The November Revolution and the National Question
#PUBLICATION NOTE
This edition of The November Revolution and the National Question has been prepared and revised for digital publication by the Institute of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism under the Central Committee of the Communist Party in Switzerland on the basis of the following edition: The October Revolution and the National Question, in the Works of Stalin, First English Edition, Vol. 4, Foreign Languages Publishing House, Moscow, 1953.
#INTRODUCTION NOTE
This is an article written by Comrade I.B. Stalin in commemoration of the first anniversary of the Great November Socialist Revolution in Moscow, Russia before the 6th of November, 1918. It was first published in the Pravda, Vol. 7, Nos, 241 and 250 (6th and 9th of November, 1918).
#Workers and oppressed people of the world, unite!
#THE NOVEMBER REVOLUTION AND THE NATIONAL QUESTION
#I.B. Stalin
#Before the 6th of November, 1918
#★
The national question must not be regarded as something self-contained and fixed for all time. Being only part of the general question of the transformation of the existing order, the national question is wholly determined by the conditions of the social environment, by the kind of political power in the country, and by the whole course of social development in general. This is being strikingly borne out in the period of revolution in Russia, when the national question and the national movement in the border regions of Russia are rapidly and obviously changing their character in accordance with the course and outcome of the revolution.
#1. THE MARCH REVOLUTION AND THE NATIONAL QUESTION
In the period of the bourgeois revolution in Russia (March 1917), the national movement in the border regions bore the character of a bourgeois liberation movement. The nationalities of Russia, which for ages had been oppressed and exploited by the «old regime», for the first time felt their strength and rushed into the fight with their oppressors. «Abolish national oppression!» — such was the slogan of the movement. «All-national» institutions sprang up overnight throughout the border regions of Russia. The movement was headed by the national, bourgeois-democratic intellectuals. «National councils» in Latvia, Estonia, Lithuania, Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, the North Caucasus, Kyrgyzstan and the Middle Volga region; the «Rada» [«Council»] in Ukraine and in Belarus; the «Sfatul Tsärii» [«Council of the Country»] in Moldova; the «Kurultai» [«Gathering»] in Crimea and in Bashkortostan; the «Autonomous Government» in Turkestan — such were the «all-national» institutions around which the national bourgeoisie rallied its forces. It was a question of emancipation from tsarism — the «fundamental cause» of national oppression — and of the formation of national-bourgeois States. The right of nations to self-determination was interpreted as the right of the national bourgeoisies in the border regions to take political power into their own hands and to take advantage of the March Revolution for forming «their own» national States. The further development of the revolution did not, and could not, come within the calculations of the above-mentioned bourgeois institutions. And the fact was overlooked that tsarism was being replaced by naked and barefaced imperialism, and that this imperialism was a stronger and more dangerous foe of the nationalities and the basis of a new national oppression.
The abolition of tsarism and the accession to power of the bourgeoisie did not, however, lead to the abolition of national oppression. The old, crude form of national oppression was replaced by a new, refined, but all the more dangerous, form of oppression. Far from abandoning the policy of national oppression, the Lviv-Milukov-Kerenskij Government organized a new campaign against Finland (dispersal of the Diet in the summer of 1917) and Ukraine (suppression of Ukrainian cultural institutions). What is more, that government, which was imperialist by its very nature, called upon the population to continue the war in order to subjugate new lands, new colonies and nationalities. It was compelled to this, not only because of the intrinsic nature of imperialism, but also because of the existence of the old imperialist States in the West, which were irresistibly striving to subjugate new lands and nationalities and threatening to narrow its sphere of influence. A struggle of the imperialist States for the subjugation of small nationalities as a condition for the existence of these States — such was the picture which was revealed in the course of the imperialist war. This unsightly picture was in no way improved by the abolition of tsarism and the appearance of the Milukov-Kerenskij Government on the scene. Since the «all-national» institutions in the border regions displayed a tendency to political independence, naturally they encountered the insuperable hostility of the imperialist government of Russia. Since, on the other hand, while establishing the political power of the national bourgeoisie, they remained deaf to the vital interests of «their own» workers and peasants, they evoked grumbling and discontent among those. What were known as the «national regiments» only added fuel to the flames: they were impotent against the danger from above and only intensified and aggravated the danger from below. The «all-national» institutions were left defenceless against blows from without and explosions from within. The incipient bourgeois national States began to fade before they could blossom.
Thus, the old bourgeois-democratic interpretation of the principle of self-determination became a fiction and lost its revolutionary significance. It was clear that, under such circumstances, there could be no question of the abolition of national oppression and establishing the independence of the small national States. It became obvious that the emancipation of the working masses of the oppressed nationalities and the abolition of national oppression were inconceivable without a break with imperialism, without the working masses overthrowing «their own» national bourgeoisie and taking power themselves.
That was strikingly borne out after the November Revolution.
#2. THE NOVEMBER REVOLUTION AND THE NATIONAL QUESTION
The March Revolution harboured irreconcilable inner contradictions. The revolution was accomplished by the efforts of the workers and the peasants (soldiers), but, as a result of the revolution, political power passed not to the workers and peasants, but to the bourgeoisie. In making the revolution, the workers and peasants wanted to put an end to the war and to secure peace. But the bourgeoisie, on coming to power, strove to use the revolutionary ardour of the masses for a continuation of the war and against peace. The economic disruption of the country and the food crisis demanded the expropriation of capital and industrial establishments for the benefit of the workers, and the confiscation of the landlords' land for the benefit of the peasants, but the bourgeois Milukov-Kerenskij Government stood guard over the interests of the landlords and capitalists, resolutely protecting them against all encroachments on the part of the workers and peasants. It was a bourgeois revolution, accomplished by the agency of the workers and peasants for the benefit of the exploiters.
Meanwhile, the country continued to groan under the burden of the imperialist war, economic disintegration, and the breakdown of the food supply. The front was falling to pieces and melting away. Factories and mills were coming to a standstill. Famine was spreading through the country. The March Revolution, with its inner contradictions, was obviously not enough for «the salvation of the country». The Milukov-Kerenskij Government was obviously incapable of solving the fundamental problems of the revolution.
A new, socialist revolution was required to lead the country out of the blind alley of imperialist war and economic disintegration.
That revolution came as a result of the November Uprising.
By overthrowing the political power of the landlords and the bourgeoisie and replacing it by a government of workers and peasants, the November Revolution resolved the contradictions of the March Revolution at one stroke. The abolition of the omnipotence of the landlords and rich peasants and the handing over of the land for the use of the working masses of the countryside; the expropriation of the mills and factories and their transfer to control by the workers; the break with imperialism and the ending of the predatory war; the publication of the secret treaties and the exposure of the policy of annexations; lastly, the proclamation of self-determination for the working masses of the oppressed peoples and the recognition of the independence of Finland — such were the fundamental measures carried into effect by the Council Power in the early period of the council revolution.
That was a genuinely socialist revolution.
The revolution, which started in the centre, could not long be confined to that narrow territory. Once having triumphed in the centre, it was bound to spread to the border regions. And, indeed, from the very first days of the revolution, the revolutionary tide spread from the North all over Russia, sweeping one border region after another. But here it encountered a dam in the shape of the «national councils» and regional «governments» (Don, Kuban, Siberia) which had been formed prior to the November Revolution. The point is that these «national governments» would not hear of a socialist revolution. Bourgeois by nature, they had not the slightest wish to destroy the old, bourgeois order; on the contrary, they considered it their duty to preserve and consolidate it by every means in their power. Essentially imperialist, they had not the slightest wish to break with imperialism; on the contrary, they had never been averse to seizing and subjugating bits and morsels of the territory of «foreign» nationalities whenever opportunity offered. No wonder that the «national governments» in the border regions declared war on the Socialist Government in the centre. And, once they had declared war, they naturally became hotbeds of reaction, which attracted all that was counter-revolutionary in Russia. Everyone knows that all the counter-revolutionaries thrown out of Russia rushed to these hotbeds, and there, around them, formed themselves into White Guard «national» regiments.
But, in addition to «national governments», there are in the border regions national workers and peasants. Organized even before the November Revolution in their revolutionary councils patterned on the councils in the centre of Russia, they had never severed connections with their siblings in the North. They too were striving to defeat the bourgeoisie; they too were fighting for the triumph of socialism. No wonder that their conflict with «their own» national governments grew daily more acute. The November Revolution only strengthened the alliance between the workers and peasants of the border regions and the workers and peasants of Russia, and inspired them with faith in the triumph of socialism. And the war of the «national governments» against the Council Power brought the conflict of the national masses with these «governments» to the point of a complete rupture, to open rebellion against them.
Thus was formed a Socialist alliance of the workers and peasants of all Russia against the counter-revolutionary alliance of the bourgeois national «governments» of the border regions of Russia.
The fight of the border «governments» is depicted by some as a fight for national emancipation against the «soulless centralism» of the council regime. But that is quite untrue. No regime in the world has permitted such extensive decentralization, no government in the world has ever granted to the peoples such complete national freedom as the Council Power in Russia. The fight of the border «governments» was, and is, a fight of bourgeois counter-revolution against socialism. The national flag is tacked on to the cause only to deceive the masses, as a popular flag which conveniently conceals the counter-revolutionary designs of the national bourgeoisie.
But the fight of the «national» and regional «governments» proved an unequal one. Attacked from two sides — from the outside by the Council Power of Russia, and from the inside by «their own» workers and peasants — the «national governments» were obliged to retreat after the very first engagements. The uprising of the Finnish workers and poor peasants and the flight of the bourgeois «Senate»; the uprising of the Ukrainian workers and peasants and the flight of the bourgeois «Rada» [«Council»]; the uprising of the workers and peasants in the Don, Kuban, and Siberia and the collapse of Kaledin, Kornilov, and the Siberian «government»; the uprising of the poor peasants of Turkestan and the flight of the «autonomous government»; the agrarian revolution in the Caucasus and the utter impotence of the «National Councils» of Georgia, Armenia, and Azerbaijan — all these are generally known facts which demonstrated the complete isolation of the border «governments» from «their own» working masses. Utterly defeated, the «national governments» were «obliged» to appeal for aid against «their own» workers and peasants to the imperialists of the West, to the age-long oppressors and exploiters of the nationalities of the world.
Thus began the period of foreign intervention and occupation of the border regions — a period which once more revealed the counter-revolutionary character of the «national» and regional «governments».
Only now did it become obvious to all that the national bourgeoisie was striving, not for the liberation of «its own people» from national oppression, but for liberty to squeeze profits out of them, for liberty to retain its privileges and capital.
Only now did it become clear that the emancipation of the oppressed nationalities was inconceivable without a rupture with imperialism, without the overthrow of the bourgeoisie of the oppressed nationalities, without the transfer of political power to the working masses of these nationalities.
Thus, the old, bourgeois conception of the principle of self-determination, with its slogan, «All power to the national bourgeoisie!», was exposed and cast aside by the very course of the revolution. The Socialist conception of the principle of self-determination, with its slogan, «All power to the working masses of the oppressed nationalities!», entered into its own, and it became possible to apply it.
Thus, the November Revolution, having put an end to the old, bourgeois movement for national emancipation, inaugurated the era of a new, Socialist movement of the workers and peasants of the oppressed nationalities, directed against all oppression — including, therefore, national oppression — against the political power of the bourgeoisie, «their own» and foreign, and against imperialism in general.
#3. THE WORLDWIDE SIGNIFICANCE OF THE NOVEMBER REVOLUTION
Having triumphed in the centre of Russia and embraced a number of the border regions, the November Revolution could not stop short at the territorial borders of Russia. In the atmosphere of the imperialist world war and the general discontent among the masses, it could not but spread to neighbouring countries. Russia's break with imperialism and its escape from the predatory war; the publication of the secret treaties and the solemn renunciation of the policy of annexations; the proclamation of the national freedom and recognition of the independence of Finland; the declaring of Russia a «federation of national council republics» and the battle cry of a determined struggle against imperialism issued to the world by the Council Government — all this could not but deeply affect the enslaved East and the bleeding West.
And, indeed, the November Revolution is the first revolution in world history to break the age-long sleep of the working masses of the oppressed peoples of the East and to draw them into the fight against world imperialism. The formation of workers' and peasants' councils in Iran, China, and India, modeled on the councils in Russia, is sufficiently convincing evidence of this.
The November Revolution is the first revolution in world history to provide the workers and soldiers of the West with a living, salvation-bringing example and to impel them on to the path of real emancipation from the yoke of war and imperialism. The uprising of the workers and soldiers in Austria-Hungary and Germany, the formation of councils of workers' and soldiers' deputies, the revolutionary struggle of the subject peoples of Austria-Hungary against national oppression is sufficiently eloquent evidence of this.
The chief point is not at all that the struggle in the East and even in the West has not yet succeeded in shedding its bourgeois-nationalist features; the point is that the struggle against imperialism has begun, that it is continuing and is inevitably bound to arrive at its logical goal.
Foreign intervention and the occupation policy of the «external» imperialists merely sharpen the revolutionary crisis, by drawing new peoples into the struggle and extending the area of the revolutionary battles with imperialism.
Thus, the November Revolution, by establishing a tie between the peoples of the backward East and of the advanced West, is ranging them in a common camp of struggle against imperialism.
Thus, from the particular question of combating national oppression, the national question is evolving into the general question of emancipating the nations, colonies, and semi-colonies from imperialism.
The mortal sin of the Second International and its leader, Kautsky, consists, incidentally, in the fact that they have always gone over to the bourgeois conception of national self-determination, that they have never understood the revolutionary meaning of the latter, that they were unable or unwilling to put the national question on the revolutionary footing of an open fight against imperialism, that they were unable or unwilling to link the national question with the question of the emancipation of the colonies.
The obtuseness of the Austrian Social-Democrats of the type of Bauer and Renner consists in the fact that they have not understood the inseparable connection between the national question and the question of political power, that they tried to separate the national question from politics and to confine it to cultural and educational questions, forgetting the existence of such «trifles» as imperialism and the colonies enslaved by imperialism.
It is asserted that the principles of self-determination and «defence of the homeland» have been abrogated by the very course of events under the conditions of a rising socialist revolution. Actually, it is not the principles of self-determination and «defence of the homeland» that have been abrogated, but the bourgeois interpretation of these principles. One has only to glance at the occupied regions, which are languishing under the yoke of imperialism and are yearning for liberation; one has only to glance at Russia, which is waging a revolutionary war for the defence of the socialist homeland from the imperialist robbers; one has only to reflect on the present events in Austria-Hungary; one has only to glance at the enslaved colonies and semi-colonies, which have already organized their own councils (India, Iran, China) — one has only to glance at all this to realize the whole revolutionary significance of the principle of self-determination in its Socialist interpretation.
The great worldwide significance of the November Revolution chiefly consists in the fact that:
- First, it has widened the scope of the national question and converted it from the particular question of combating national oppression in Europe into the general question of emancipating the oppressed peoples, colonies, and semi-colonies from imperialism.
- Second, it has opened up wide possibilities for their emancipation and the right paths toward it, has thereby greatly facilitated the cause of the emancipation of the oppressed peoples of the West and the East, and has drawn them into the common current of the victorious struggle against imperialism.
- Third, it has thereby built a bridge between the socialist West and the enslaved East, having created a new front of revolutions against world imperialism, extending from the proletarians of the West, through the Russian revolution, to the oppressed peoples of the East.
This in fact explains the indescribable enthusiasm which is now being displayed for the Russian proletariat by the working and exploited masses of the East and the West.
And this mainly explains the frenzy with which the imperialist robbers of the whole world have now flung themselves upon Council Russia.