The Situation in the Summer of 1957
#PUBLICATION NOTE
This edition of The Situation in the Summer of 1957 has been prepared and revised for digital publication by the Institute of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism under the Central Committee of the Communist Party in Switzerland on the basis of the following editions:
- The Situation in the Summer of 1957, in the Selected Works of Mao Zedong, First English Edition, Vol. 5, Foreign Languages Press, Beijing, 1977.
- The Situation in the Summer of 1957, in The Writings of Mao Zedong, 1949-76, First English Edition, Vol. 2, M.E. Sharpe, Armonk and London, 1992.
#INTRODUCTION NOTE
This is an article written by Comrade Mao Zedong during a conference of secretaries of provincial and municipal Party committees in Qingdao, Shandong, China in the third week of July 1957, printed and distributed at the conference, and circulated among the directors of the Party in August of the same year. It was first published in the Red Guard collection Long Live Mao Zedong's Thought! in 1968.
#Workers and oppressed people of the world, unite!
#THE SITUATION IN THE SUMMER OF 1957
#Mao Zedong
#Third Week of July 1957
#★
During the period of socialist revolution in our country, the contradiction between the people and the bourgeois Right-wingers, who oppose the Communist Party, the people, and socialism, is one between ourselves and the enemy, that is, an antagonistic, irreconcilable, life-and-death contradiction.
The bourgeois Right-wingers who have launched wild attacks against the working class and the Communist Party are reactionaries or counter-revolutionaries. They are not so labeled, but are instead called Right-wingers, because, first, this will make it easier to win over the Centre, and, second, it will help split the Right-wingers and enable some of them to change and come over.
Once the article Springtime for the Intellectuals by the big Right-winger Fei Xiaotong came out, Jian Bozan, that reactionary scholar-tyrant of the historical studies circles, began to yell deliriously that there was indeed «springtime». These idiots, whose senses have been confused by the prospect of profits, think that the country is in complete chaos, that the Communist Party will soon «topple over», and that they will then be the ones who get to come out and «pick up the pieces», taking the place of the Communist Party. With regard to these bourgeois Right-wingers, the proletariat must give them a decisive, stunning blow right on the head, destroy them, and root them out!
Those bourgeois Right-wingers who remain unchanged to the bitter end are Far Right elements, but they, too, will be given work and not deprived of their civil rights, unless they act as secret agents or carry on sabotage. This line of action is being taken because, judging from many events in the past, extreme policies produce bad results. We should take a long view, and decades from now, when we look back an the present events, we shall see how this treatment of the bourgeois Right-wingers profoundly influenced and greatly benefited the revolutionary cause of the proletariat.
Our aim is to create a political situation in which we have both centralism and democracy, both discipline and freedom, both unity of will and personal ease of mind and liveliness, and thus to promote our socialist revolution and socialist construction, make it easier to overcome difficulties, build a modern industry and modern agriculture more rapidly, and make our Party and State more secure and better able to weather storm and stress. The general subject here is the correct handling of contradictions among the people and those between ourselves and the enemy. The method is to seek truth from facts and follow the mass line. The derivative methods are those of holding meetings attended by both Party and non-Party people to discuss major policies, conducting the rectification movement publicly, and criticizing many of the Party's and the government's shortcomings and mistakes in the press. The rectification movement and the socialist education movement should proceed by batches and stages in the democratic political parties, in the various circles comprising education, the press, science and technology, literature and art, public health, industry and commerce, and among the working class, the different strata of the peasantry, handicraftspeople, and other urban and rural working people. With regard to the bourgeoisie and bourgeois intellectuals, the problem is to get them to accept socialist transformation, and the same holds for the small bourgeoisie (including the peasants and the urban and rural self-employed working people), and especially the upper-middle peasants; but where the fundamental ranks of the working class and the Communist Party are concerned, the problem is to rectify their style of work. These are problems concerning two social categories that are different in character. This being the case, why is rectification used as a slogan for both? Because most people are receptive to this slogan. We can say to people: Since the Communist Party and the working class are undergoing rectification, do you think you can do without it? Thus, the initiative will be completely in our hands. The method of rectification is to make criticism and self-criticism, present the facts, and reason things out. The aim of rectification is to guide the struggle in such a way as to set right the political orientation, raise the ideological level, overcome shortcomings in work, unite with the broad masses, and isolate and split the bourgeois Right-wingers and all other anti-socialist elements. The bourgeois Right-wingers referred to here include those who have sneaked into the Party and the Youth League and whose political complexion is exactly the same as that of the Right-wingers outside; they have betrayed the revolutionary cause of the proletariat and launched wild attacks against the Party, and therefore must be fully exposed and expelled in order to preserve the purity of the ranks of the Party and the Youth League.
Firm faith in the majority of the masses, and first and foremost in the majority of the deepest masses, the workers and peasants — this is our fundamental point of departure. Even in the case of industrialists and businesspeople and intellectuals, most people, who may have been deceived for a time and wavered during the period of the Right-wingers' frenzied attack, regained their bearings and came over to our side a few weeks later when the counter-attack against the Right-wingers started. Therefore, the majority in these circles are trustworthy in the long run, they can accept socialist transformation. At one time or another, quite a few comrades made the mistake of underestimating the strength of the proletariat and overestimating that of the bourgeois Right-wingers. There are still many cadres in prefectures, counties, districts, townships, and factories who do so, and we should patiently persuade them not to underestimate our own strength and overestimate that of the enemy. In the countryside, the landlords and rich peasants are being remoulded; some are still making trouble, and we must heighten our vigilance. A great number of the upper-middle peasants are willing to stay in the cooperatives; a small number clamour to withdraw, eager to take the capitalist road. We should deal with each case on its merits. In the countryside, it is imperative to pay attention to the class line and enable the former poor peasants and farmworkers to occupy the dominant position in the leading bodies, while at the same time, pains must be taken to unite with the middle peasants. I'm all for a directive to be issued at once by the Central Committee to initiate a large-scale socialist education movement among the entire rural population to criticize Right-opportunist ideas within the Party, the departmentalism of certain cadres, and the capitalist and individualist ideas of the upper-middle peasants, and to strike at the counter-revolutionary activities of landlords and rich peasants. The criticism should be directed mainly against the vacillating upper-middle peasants, whose capitalist ideas should be struggled against by arguing things out. From now on, such struggle should be resolutely carried out once a year in coordination with the rectification movement among the district and township cadres and with the checkup of Class 3 cooperatives, so that all cooperatives may gradually be consolidated. In the countryside, let the peasants too have the «free airing of views» first, that is, make criticisms and comments. Then accept what is good and criticize what is bad. All this should proceed step by step in the rural rectification movement, which is to be conducted by the local cadres with the assistance of work teams sent from above. In the rural areas, as in the cities, the struggle is still one between the two roads — between socialism and capitalism. Complete victory in this struggle will take a very long time. It is a task for the entire transitional period. In the countryside, diligence and thrift should be encouraged in running the household as well as in running the cooperative, and love of the country and the cooperative as well as love of the family. We must rely in particular on the efforts of the women's organizations to tackle the problem of running the household thriftily. Over the next few years, the annual sum of 35'000'000'000 catties [17'500'000 tons] of grain in tax and of 50'000'000'000 catties [25'000'000 tons] in State purchases must be obtained without fail. However, some adjustments may be made, depending on whether the harvest is good or poor. As production rises year by year and the number of grain-deficient households correspondingly falls, there should be annual reductions in rural grain sales. In cities, wherever grain sales are excessive, there should also be appropriate reductions. Only thus can the State increase its grain reserves each year and meet possible emergencies. Failure to collect these 85'000'000'000 catties [42'500'000 tons] of grain will affect market prices, check the smooth fulfilment of the national economic plan as a whole, and leave us helpless in the face of emergencies, and that would be very dangerous. Before the autumn harvest sets in this year, it is imperative to wage a struggle in the countryside against individualism and departmentalism, both of which ignore the interests of the State and the collective.
Counter-revolutionaries must be eliminated wherever found. Kill few, but on no account repeal the death penalty or grant any general pardon. Arrest and punish again those persons who commit fresh crimes after having served prison terms. Punish the gangsters, hooligans, thieves, murderers, rapists, embezzlers, and other felons in our society who undermine public order and grossly violate the law; also punish those whom the public identifies as bad elements. At present, certain functionaries in the judicial and public security departments are neglecting their duties and allowing persons who should be arrested and punished to remain at large; this is wrong. Just as over-punishment is wrong, so is under-punishment, and these days, the danger lies in the latter. Prohibit gambling. Strictly enforce the ban on reactionary secret societies. Right-wing student leaders should be thoroughly criticized; in most cases, they should be kept where they are, to be reformed under supervision and to serve as «teachers». The above points hold good for the transitional period, and it is the responsibility of the provincial, municipal, and autonomous region Party committees to have them carried out. Subject to the policies and laws of the central authorities, local departments in charge of justice and public security and of cultural and educational affairs must act without fail under the direction of the provincial, municipal, and autonomous region Party committees and people's councils.
Our general subject is the correct handling of contradictions among the people. Keep on talking about it until it becomes familiar, then what once seemed bewildering will no longer be so. Clarify in your own mind the question of contradictions among the people, openly and clearly explain it, correctly handle a number of these contradictions, and then, having achieved results and gained experience, you won't be afraid of it any more.
Let me repeat. Correctly handling the contradictions among the people means following the mass line, which is consistently stressed by our Party. Party members should be good at consulting the masses in their work, and in no circumstances should they alienate themselves from the masses. The relation between the Party and the masses is like that between fish and water. Without good relations between the Party and the masses, the socialist system cannot be established or, once established, be consolidated.
The armed forces have carried out rectification on many occasions; the «Three Main Rules of Discipline» and the «Eight Points for Attention» are enforced; democracy is practised in military, political, and economic affairs; in wartime, mutual-aid groups are organized in the squads; officers are integrated with soldiers and the army with the people; and hitting or swearing at people is forbidden, and so is the execution of deserters. As a result, morale is high and our army is invincible. If this can be done among soldiers bearing arms, why can't democracy be practised in factories, villages, offices, and schools and their problems (contradictions) solved by persuasion and not by coercion?
Why be afraid of our own people when we are not afraid of the imperialists? One who fears the common people and believes the masses are not open to reason and must be coerced rather than convinced is no true Communist.
Except for renegades and persons who have grossly violated the law, we should protect all Party and Youth League members during the rectification movement, and make great and sincere efforts to help them correct their mistakes and shortcomings, improve their method of work, enhance their competence, and raise their political and ideological level. A Party member must be full of vigour and strong in revolutionary will, be endowed with the drive to defy all difficulties and to persevere in overcoming them, and be determined to rid themself of individualism, departmentalism, absolute equalitarianism, and selfishness; otherwise, they are not a Party member in the real sense of the term. Those Party members who prove wanting in vigour and revolutionary will or who persist in their mistakes should be duly dealt with by the Party committee if they refuse to mend their ways after repeated warnings and, in serious cases, they should be disciplined.
Within 6 to 12 months, the first secretaries (and the other secretaries too) of provincial, municipal, and autonomous region Party committees should each make a personal study of a particular cooperative, factory, store, and school to obtain some knowledge and earn the «right to speak», and so give better guidance to their work in general. The secretaries of prefectural, county, and district Party committees should do likewise.
Don't underestimate the significance of our current criticism of the bourgeois Right-wingers. This is a great socialist revolution on the political and ideological fronts. By itself, the socialist revolution of 1956 on the economic front (that is, in the ownership of the means of production) is not enough, nor is it secure. This has been borne out by the Hungarian Incident. There must be a thoroughgoing socialist revolution on the political and ideological fronts, too. In the democratic political parties and in intellectual and in industrial and commercial circles, it is of course out of the question for the Communist Party to exercise leadership over some people (the Right-wingers), for they are our enemies, and the Party's leadership over most people (the Centrist faction) has not been consolidated; in certain cultural and educational units, the Party's leadership has not been established at all. Firm leadership over the Centrist faction must be established, and the sooner, the better. The bourgeoisie and bourgeois intellectuals do not gladly submit to the Communist Party, and the Right-wingers among them are determined to match their strength with ours. Once beaten in a trial of strength, they will realize that the game is up and their position is hopeless. Not until then will the majority (the Centrist faction plus a number of the Right-wingers) begin to behave themselves, gradually abandon their bourgeois standpoint, come over to the side of the proletariat, and make up their minds to throw in their lot with it. A small number will refuse to change to the very end; we'll just have to let them take their reactionary views with them to the grave. We must, however, heighten our vigilance. It must be realized that, at the first opportunity, they will again stir up trouble. Counting from now, this struggle will probably last ten or as many as 15 years. The time can be shortened if things are well managed. Of course, this is not to say that class struggle will cease in 10 to 15 years. As long as imperialism and the bourgeoisie exist in this world of ours, the activities of the domestic counter-revolutionaries and bourgeois Right-wingers will always partake of the nature of class struggle, and, what is more, they will invariably mesh with those of the foreign reactionaries. After a necessary period of time, the form of the present struggle should change from that of a strong gale and a torrential downpour to a gentle breeze and a mild rain, so that ideologically, the struggle can become deeper and more thoroughgoing. We have won the first decisive battle in the last few months, mainly in the last two months. But in order to win complete victory, several more months of deep digging are needed, and we must not wind up the struggle in a hurry. Make no mistake, if this struggle is not won, socialism is impossible.
This great debate among the people throughout the country has solved or is in the process of solving questions of cardinal importance, such as whether our work in the revolution and in construction is correct (that is, whether achievements in the revolution and in construction are primary), whether the socialist road should be taken, whether the leadership of the Communist Party, the dictatorship of the proletariat, and democratic centralism are needed, and whether our foreign policy is correct. It is natural that such a great debate should have taken place. It took place in the Council Union in the 1920s (the debate with Trotskij and others on whether socialism could be built in one country), and it is taking place this year in our country, in the 1950s. If we fail to win complete victory in the debate, it will be impossible to continue our march forward. Once we triumph in the debate, our socialist transformation and socialist construction will receive a big impetus. This debate is a great event of world significance.
We must understand that, counting from now, 10 to 15 years will be required to build a modern industrial and modern agricultural basis in China. Only when the productive forces of our society have been fairly adequately developed over a period of 10 to 15 years will it be possible to regard our socialist economic and political system as having obtained a fairly adequate material basis (now far from adequate), and will it be possible to regard our State (the superstructure) as fully consolidated and our socialist society as fundamentally built. It is not built yet, and 10 to 15 years more are needed. To build socialism, the working class must have its own army of technical cadres and of professors, teachers, scientists, journalists, writers, artists, and Marxist theorists. It must be a vast army; a small number of people will not suffice. This is a task that should be fundamentally accomplished in the next 10 to 15 years. The tasks after that will be to make further efforts to develop the productive forces and expand the army of working-class intellectuals, create the preconditions for the gradual transition from socialism to communism, and get prepared to catch up with and surpass the United States economically in eight to ten five-year plans. All members of the Communist Party and the Youth League and the nation as a whole should be aware of this task, and everybody should study hard. Wherever possible, they should strive to acquire technical skill and vocational knowledge and study Marxist theory, so that a new army of working-class intellectuals will be formed (including all the intellectuals from the old society who take a firm working-class standpoint after having been genuinely remoulded). This is a great task history sets us. The revolutionary cause of the working class will not be fully consolidated until this vast new army of working-class intellectuals comes into being.
It is a major achievement that experience has been gained at the central and the provincial and municipal levels in the three tasks of rectification, criticism of the Right-wingers, and winning over the Centrist faction of the masses. With this experience, things will be easier. The task for the next few months is to teach those at the prefectural and the county levels how to gain this experience. Between now and the coming winter and spring, the task is gradually to teach those at the district and the township levels to do likewise. In the cities, it is to teach those at the district level and in factories and mines at the lowest level, as well as the neighbourhood committees. As a result, many people will be enlightened, the mass line will cease to be a mere phrase to them, and it will be easier for contradictions among the people to be resolved.
The first secretaries and all the other members of provincial, municipal, and autonomous region Party committees must take full command of this great struggle. They must assume full control over the work of political transformation and ideological remoulding in the democratic political parties (political circles) and in the circles of education, the press (including all newspapers and periodicals), science and technology, literature and art, public health, and industry and commerce. Each province, municipality, and autonomous region should have its own Marxist theorists, scientists and technical personnel, writers, artists and literary critics, and first-rate editors and reporters on its own newspapers and periodicals. The first secretaries (and the other secretaries, too) should pay particular attention to newspapers and periodicals and not be lazy about it; each should read at least five papers and five periodicals for comparison, so that they can improve their own publications.
Our criticism of the Right-wingers has given a great shock to everybody in the democratic political parties and in intellectual and in industrial and commercial circles. It should be noted that the majority of them (the Centrists) are inclined to accept the socialist road and the leadership of the proletariat. This inclination varies in degree with different categories of people; It should be further noted that, although they now merely show an inclination toward a genuine acceptance of the fundamentals, namely, the socialist road and the leadership of the proletariat, this very inclination signifies the first step on their long journey from the standpoint of the bourgeoisie to that of the working class. After a year of rectification (from May this year to May next year), they will be able to take a big step forward. In the past, they were mentally unprepared to take part in socialist revolution. For them, this revolution happened all of a sudden. This was also the case with a number of Communist Party members. The criticism of the Right-wingers and the rectification movement will give these people and the broad masses a profound education in socialism.
The big-character poster can be put to use everywhere, except in the salesrooms of stores, rural areas (districts and townships), primary schools, and the battalions and companies of the armed forces. In the conditions existing in our country, it is a form of struggle favourable to the proletariat and unfavourable to the bourgeoisie. Fear of the big-character poster is groundless. Big-character posters, forums, and debates are three excellent forms for revealing and overcoming contradictions and helping people make progress in institutions of higher education, in departments and organizations at the central, the provincial and municipal, the prefectural, and the county levels, and in large urban enterprises.
At no time should production and other work be neglected during the rectification movement. The authorities in various places should not start rectification in all the units under them at the same time, but should stagger it and carry it out by groups.
Don't be afraid of the violent storm, toughen yourselves and bear it. In each unit, the crest of the torrent will pass in two or three weeks, and the unit can then switch to the new stage of counter-attack on the Right-wingers. Faced with the Right-wingers' wild attacks during these two or three weeks, the directors of various units should toughen themselves and hear them out without rebutting, concentrate on analysing and studying the situation, muster strength for the counter-attack, and unite with the forces of the Left wing, win over the Centre, and isolate the Right wing — all this makes an excellent set of Marxist tactics.
The stage of freely airing views (carrying out reform at the same time), the stage of counter-attack on the Right-wingers (carrying out reform at the same time), the stage of putting the emphasis on reform (with a further free airing of views), and the stage in which everyone studies relevant documents and makes criticism and self-criticism to raise their own political consciousness — these are the four indispensable stages of the rectification movement at the central, the provincial and municipal, the prefectural, and the county levels. In addition, rectification is to be conducted at the grassroots in the cities and the countryside. After such a movement, it is certain that the whole Party and the whole people will take on a fresh complexion.
The first secretaries of the provincial, municipal, and autonomous region Party committees and of the prefectural Party committees are requested to devote some time in August to studying the checkup of cooperatives, production, grain, and other questions in rural areas in preparation for the Plenary Session of the Central Committee to be held in September. Please study the 40 articles of the Programme for Agricultural Development one by one and see whether changes are needed.