On the New International Situation

#PUBLICATION NOTE

This edition of On the New International Situation has been prepared and revised for digital publication by the Institute of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism under the Central Committee of the Communist Party in Switzerland on the basis of the following editions:

• Interview With a «New China Daily» Correspondent on the New International Situation, in the Selected Works of Mao Zedong, First English Edition, Vol. 2, Foreign Languages Press, Beijing, 1965.
• Mao Zedong, Leader of the Chinese Communist Party, on the Present International Situation and China's War of Resistance, in Mao's Road to Power, First English Edition, Vol. 7, M.E. Sharpe, Armonk and London, 2005.

#INTRODUCTION NOTE

This is an interview given by Comrade Mao Zedong to a correspondent of the Xinhua Ribao in Yan'an, Shaanxi, China on the 1st of September, 1939. It was first published in the Xinhua Ribao (6th of September, 1939).

#Workers and oppressed people of the world, unite!

#ON THE NEW INTERNATIONAL SITUATION

#INTERVIEW WITH A NEW CHINA DAILY CORRESPONDENT

#Mao Zedong

#1st of September, 1939

#★

QUESTION: What is the significance of the suddenly reached Treaty of Non-Aggression Between the Council Union and Germany?¹

ANSWER: The Soviet-German non-aggression treaty is the result of the growing socialist strength of the Council Union and the policy of peace persistently followed by the Communist Party of the Council Union and the Council Government. The signing of this treaty is no accident and has great political significance. The treaty has shattered the intrigues, by which the reactionary international bourgeoisie, represented by Chamberlain and Daladier, sought to instigate a Soviet-German war, has broken the encirclement of the Council Union by the German-Italian-Japanese anti-Communist bloc, exposed the lies of this reactionary clique against Communism and the Communist International, strengthened peace between the Council Union and Germany, and safeguarded the progress of socialist construction in the Council Union. In Asia, it deals a blow to Japan and helps China; it strengthens the position of China's forces of resistance to Japan and deals a blow to the capitulators. All this provides a basis for helping the people throughout the world to win freedom and liberation. Such is the full political significance of the Soviet-German non-aggression treaty.

QUESTION: Some people do not realize yet that the Soviet-German non-aggression treaty is the result of the breakdown of the Anglo-French-Soviet talks, but think that the Soviet-German treaty caused the breakdown. Will you please explain why the Anglo-French-Soviet talks failed?

ANSWER: The talks failed purely because the British and French governments were insincere. In recent years, the reactionary international bourgeoisie, and primarily that of Britain and France, have consistently pursued the reactionary policy of «non-intervention» toward aggression by Fascist Germany, Italy, and Japan. Their purpose is to connive at wars of aggression and to profit by them. Thus, Britain and France flatly rejected the Council Union's repeated proposals for a genuine front against aggression; standing on the sidelines, they took a «non-interventionist» stand and connived at German, Italian, and Japanese aggression. Their aim was to step forward and intervene when the belligerents had worn each other out. In pursuit of this reactionary policy, they sacrificed half of China to Japan, and the whole of Ethiopia, Spain, Austria, and Czechoslovakia to Italy and Germany.² Then they wanted to sacrifice the Council Union. This plot was clearly revealed in the recent Anglo-French-Soviet talks. They lasted for more than four months, from the 15th of April to 23rd of August, during which the Council Union exercised the utmost patience. But, from start to finish, Britain and France rejected the principle of equality and reciprocity; they demanded that the Council Union provide safeguards for their security, but refused to do likewise for the Council Union and the small Baltic States, so as to leave a gap through which Germany could attack, and they also refused to allow the passage of Soviet troops through Poland to fight the aggressor. That is why the talks broke down. In the meantime, Germany indicated its willingness to stop its activities against the Council Union and abandon the so-called Agreement Against the Communist International³ and recognized the inviolability of the Soviet borders; hence the conclusion of the Soviet-German non-aggression treaty. The policy of «non-intervention» pursued by international and primarily Anglo-French reaction is a policy of «sitting on top of the mountain to watch the tigers fight», a downright imperialist policy of profiting at others' expense. This policy was initiated when Chamberlain took office, reached its climax in the Munich Agreement of September last year, and finally collapsed in the recent Anglo-French-Soviet talks. From now on, the situation will inevitably develop into one of direct conflict between the two big imperialist blocs, the Anglo-French bloc and the German-Italian bloc. As I said in October 1938, at the Sixth Plenary Session of the our Party's Sixth Central Committee: «The inevitable result of Chamberlain's policy will be like ‹lifting a rock only to drop it on one's own toes›.»⁴ Chamberlain started with the aim of injuring others only to end up by ruining himself. This is the law of development which governs all reactionary policies.

QUESTION: In your opinion, how will the present international situation develop?

ANSWER: The international situation has already entered a new phase. The one-sided situation in the imperialist Second World War, which has existed for some time, in other words, the situation in which, as a result of the policy of «non-intervention», one group of imperialist States attacks while another sits tight and looks on, will inevitably be replaced by a situation of all-embracing war as far as Europe is concerned. The imperialist Second World War has entered a new stage. In Asia, although the situation is different, there will also be a new stage.

In Europe, a large-scale imperialist war is imminent between the German-Italian and the Anglo-French imperialist blocs, which are contending for domination over the colonial peoples. In this war, each of the belligerents will brazenly declare its own cause to be just and that of its opponents unjust, in order to delude people and win the support of public opinion. Actually this is a swindle. The aims of both sides are imperialist, both are fighting for the domination of colonies and semi-colonies and for spheres of influence, and both are waging a predatory war. At present, they are fighting over Poland, the Balkans, and the Mediterranean littoral. This war is not at all a just war. The only just wars are non-predatory wars, wars of liberation. Communists will in no circumstances support any predatory war. They will, however, bravely step forward to support every just and non-predatory war for liberation, and they will stand in the forefront of the struggle. With Chamberlain and Daladier practising intimidation and bribery, the Social-Democratic Parties affiliated to the Second International are splitting up. One section, the reactionary upper stratum, is following the same old disastrous road as in the First World War and is ready to support the new imperialist war. But another section will join with the Communists in forming a people's front against war and Fascism. Chamberlain and Daladier are following in the footsteps of Germany and Italy and are becoming more and more reactionary, taking advantage of the war mobilization to put the State structure in their countries on a fascist footing and to militarize the economy. In short, the two big imperialist blocs are feverishly preparing for war and millions of people are facing the danger of mass slaughter. Surely all this will awaken movements of resistance among the masses. Whether in Germany or in Italy, Britain, or France, or anywhere else in Europe or the world at large, if the people do not want to be used as imperialist cannon-fodder, they will have to rise up and oppose the imperialist war in every possible way.

Besides these two big blocs, there is a third bloc in the capitalist world, headed by the United States and including a number of Latin American countries. In its own interests, this bloc will not enter the war for the time being. As regards world peace, it can still work in concert with the Council Union and play a somewhat positive role. In the name of neutrality, US imperialism is temporarily refraining from joining either of the belligerents, so as to be able to come on the scene later and contend for the leadership of the capitalist world. The fact that the US bourgeoisie is not yet prepared to discard democracy and a peacetime economy at home is favourable to the world peace movement.

Badly hit by the Soviet-German treaty, Japanese imperialism is facing a future beset with still greater difficulties. Two factions within Japan are fighting over foreign policy. The militarists are contemplating an alliance with Germany and Italy for the purpose of gaining exclusive control of China, invading South-East Asia, and expelling Britain, the United States, and France from Asia; on the other hand, one faction of the bourgeoisie would prefer to make concessions to Britain, the United States, and France, in order to concentrate on plundering China. At present, there is a strong tendency toward a compromise with Britain. The British reactionaries will offer Japan the joint partition of China plus financial and economic help, in return for which Japan will have to serve as the watchdog of British interests in Asia, suppress the Chinese national liberation movement, contain the Council Union, and defend the United States. Therefore, whatever happens, Japan's fundamental aim of conquering China will never change. The possibility that Japan will launch large-scale frontal military offensives in China may not be very great, but it will step up its political offensive to «use Chinese to subdue Chinese»⁵ and its economic plundering of China to «sustain the war by means of war»,⁶ while keeping up its frantic «mopping-up» campaigns⁷ in the occupied areas; moreover, it will work through Britain to force China to surrender. At a favourable moment, it will propose an Asian Munich and, with some relatively big concessions as bait, will try to coax and bully China into accepting its terms for surrender, so as to attain its aim of subjugating China. No matter what cabinet changes the Japanese ruling class may make, this imperialist aim will remain unchanged until the Japanese people rise up in revolution.

Outside the capitalist world, there is a world of light, the Union of Socialist Council Republics. The Soviet-German treaty has raised the international prestige of the Council Union and enables it to give greater help to the world movement for peace, to China in its resistance to Japan, and to all the national-liberation movements in the world.

This is my appraisal of the international situation.

QUESTION: In these circumstances, what are the prospects for China?

ANSWER: There are two possibilities. One is perseverance in resistance, unity, and progress, which would mean national rejuvenation. The other is compromise, a split, and retrogression, which would mean national subjugation.

In the new international situation, as Japan comes up against increased difficulties and China firmly refuses to compromise, the stage of strategic retreat will end for us and that of strategic stalemate will begin. The latter stage is one of preparation for the counter-offensive.

However, stalemate along the front means the reverse of stalemate in the enemy's rear; with the emergence of a stalemate along the front lines, the struggle behind the enemy's lines will become intense. Thus the large-scale «mopping-up» campaigns the enemy has been conducting in the occupied areas — mainly in northern China — since the fall of Wuhan will not only continue, but will be intensified from now on. Furthermore, since the enemy's main policy at present consists in their political offensive to «use Chinese to subdue Chinese» and in their economic aggression for «sustaining the war by means of war», and since an East Asian Munich is the objective of British policy in Asia, the danger of the surrender of the greater part of China and of an internal split will increase enormously. China is still far weaker than the enemy, and unless the whole country unites in an arduous struggle, it will not be able to build up strength for the counter-offensive.

Therefore, the most serious task for our country is still perseverance in the war, and there must be no slackening.

Beyond any doubt, China must on no account miss the present opportunity or make a wrong decision, but must take a firm political stand. In other words:

• First, firm adherence to the standpoint of resistance to Japan and opposition to any moves toward compromise. Determined blows must be struck at all the open or undercover Wang Jingweis. China must firmly reject any blandishments, whether from Japan or from Britain, and must never take part in an Asian Munich.
• Second, firm adherence to the standpoint of unity and opposition to any moves toward a split. Strict vigilance must be maintained against such moves, whether they stem from the Japanese imperialists, from other foreign countries, or from the capitulators at home. All internal friction harmful to the War of Resistance must be sternly checked.
• Third, firm adherence to the standpoint of progress and opposition to any retrogression. Whether in the military, political, financial, or economic sphere, or in political party affairs, or in the field of culture and education, or in the mass movement, every theory, every institution, every measure harmful to the war must be reexamined and effectively changed to serve the War of Resistance.

If all this is done, China will be able effectively to build up its strength for the counter-offensive.

From now on, the whole country must make «preparation for the counter-offensive» its overall task in the War of Resistance.

Today, it is necessary, on the one hand, earnestly to sustain our defence along the front lines and vigorously to help the fighting behind the enemy lines, and, on the other, to institute political, military, and other reforms and build up tremendous strength, so that, when the moment comes, the whole might of the nation can be thrown into a large-scale counter-offensive for the recovery of our lost territories.

In the diplomatic sphere, the unswerving principle should be to treat those who support us as friends and those who support our enemy as enemies. For example, in the past, when Wang Jingwei and others proposed taking the road of Germany and Italy, when Germany and Italy were assisting the enemy, this was a completely erroneous traitor theory. But if, in the future, Germany and Italy abandon their policy of supporting the enemy, there is no obstacle to approaching them, in order to weaken the enemy's strength. Again, if Britain supports and builds up the enemy, we absolutely cannot rely on it, and must all all times be vigilant against its attempts to coerce and cajole us, in order to avoid being pulled into a vortex and harming the War of Resistance. As regards the Council Union, we should strengthen our friendship with it and form a united front between the great Chinese and Soviet nations, in order to obtain more aid from it and consolidate the united front for the War of Resistance. Our attitude toward the United States should be more or less the same. But it should be clearly understood that, in all capitalist countries, the most reliable allies supporting our War of Resistance are the broad masses of the people, and not the governments of these countries.

In sum, the guiding principle for everything is whether it is advantageous to the War of Resistance. In the new international situation, as long as China is able to take a firm stand and carry out correct policies, it can reach the objective of final victory. Under the slogans of supporting President Jiang Jieshi and the National Government, opposing capitulation and persevering in resistance, opposing a split and persevering in unity, and opposing retrogression and persevering in progress, the people of the whole country should mobilize all their forces and fight to prepare for the counter-offensive. Whether China's future counter-offensive will be successful depends on our standpoint and our work now. I hope that every patriotic political party, faction, and person will give serious consideration to these great issues affecting the country, shoulder their responsibilities, and stride forward toward a great and brilliant future for the Chinese nation. The greatest struggle for liberation in human history is unfolding today. As long as we make every effort, there can be no doubt that the Chinese nation will win independence and liberation!