On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People
#PUBLICATION NOTE
This edition of On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People has been prepared and revised for digital publication by the Institute of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism under the Central Committee of the Communist Party in Switzerland on the basis of the following editions:
- On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People, in the Selected Works of Mao Zedong, First English Edition, Vol. 5, Foreign Languages Press, Beijing, 1977.
- On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People (Speaking Notes), in The Secret Speeches of Chairman Mao, Harvard Contemporary China Series, No. 6, United States, 1989.
#INTRODUCTION NOTE
This is a speech delivered by Comrade Mao Zedong at the Enlarged 11th Session of the Supreme State Conference of the People's Republic of China in Beijing, China on the 27th of February, 1957. It was first published in a revised edition in the Renmin Ribao (19th of June, 1957).
#Workers and oppressed people of the world, unite!
#ON THE CORRECT HANDLING OF CONTRADICTIONS AMONG THE PEOPLE
#SPEECH DELIVERED AT THE ENLARGED 11TH SESSION OF THE SUPREME STATE CONFERENCE OF THE PEOPLE'S REPUBLIC OF CHINA
#Mao Zedong
#27th of February, 1957
#★
Comrades:
Our general subject is the correct handling of contradictions among the people. For convenience, let us discuss it under 12 sub-headings. Among the problems I have encountered, the problem of contradictions among the people is an important one, which occupies much of our time and has caused lots of difficulties. Of course, there are two types of problems — contradictions between ourselves and the enemy, and contradictions among the people. In fact, I want to talk about both problems, not just one of them. However, although reference will be made to contradictions between ourselves and the enemy, this discussion will centre on contradictions among the people.
#1. TWO TYPES OF CONTRADICTIONS DIFFERING IN NATURE
Never before has our country been as united as it is today. The victories of the bourgeois-democratic revolution and of the socialist revolution and our achievements in socialist construction have rapidly changed the face of the old China. A still brighter future lies ahead for our homeland. The days of national disunity and chaos which the people detested are gone, never to return. Led by the working class and the Communist Party, our 600'000'000 people, united as one, are engaged in the great task of building socialism. The unification of our country, the unity of our people, and the unity of our various nationalities — these are the fundamental guarantees for the sure triumph of our cause. However, this does not mean that contradictions no longer exist in our society. To imagine that none exist is a naive idea which is at variance with objective reality. We are confronted with two types of social contradictions — those between ourselves and the enemy and those among the people. The two are totally different in nature.
To understand these two different types of contradictions correctly, we must first be clear on what is meant by «the people» and what is meant by «the enemy». The concept of «the people» varies in content in different countries and in different periods of history in a given country. Take our own country, for example. During the War of Resistance Against Japan, all those classes, strata, and social groups opposing Japanese aggression came within the category of the people, while the Japanese imperialists, their Chinese collaborators, and the pro-Japanese elements were all enemies of the people. During the War of Liberation, the US imperialists and their lackeys — the bureaucrat capitalists, the landlords, and the Nationalist reactionaries, who represented these two classes — were the enemies of the people, while the other classes, strata, and social groups, which opposed them, all came within the category of the people. At the present stage, the period of building socialism, the classes, strata, and social groups which favour, support, and work for the cause of socialist construction all come within the category of the people, while the social forces and groups which resist the socialist revolution and are hostile to or sabotage socialist construction are all enemies of the people.
The contradictions between ourselves and the enemy are antagonistic contradictions. Within the ranks of the people, the contradictions among the working people are non-antagonistic, while those between the exploited and the exploiting classes have a non-antagonistic as well as an antagonistic aspect. There have always been contradictions among the people, but they are different in content in each period of the revolution and in the period of building socialism. In the conditions prevailing in China today, the contradictions among the people comprise the contradictions within the working class, the contradictions within the peasantry, the contradictions among the intellectuals, the contradictions between the working class and the peasantry, the contradictions between the workers and peasants on the one hand and the intellectuals on the other, the contradictions between the working class and other sections of the working people on the one hand and the national bourgeoisie on the other, the contradictions within the national bourgeoisie, and so on. Our People's Government is one that genuinely represents the people's interests, it is a government that serves the people. Nevertheless, there are still certain contradictions between this government and the people. These include the contradictions between the interests of the State and the interests of the collective on the one hand and the interests of the individual on the other, between democracy and centralism, between the leadership and the led, and the contradictions arising from the bureaucratic style of work of some of the State personnel in their relations with the masses. All these are also contradictions among the people. Generally speaking, the fundamental unity of the people's interests underlies the contradictions among the people.
Where do we put the national bourgeoisie? In the category of the people or the category of the enemy? The article More on the Historical Experience of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat did not discuss Chinese questions, but we all know that, in our country, the contradiction between the working class and the national bourgeoisie comes under the category of contradictions among the people. By and large, the class struggle between the two is a class struggle within the ranks of the people, because the Chinese national bourgeoisie has a dual character. In the period of the bourgeois-democratic revolution, it had both a revolutionary and a conciliationist side to its character. In the period of the socialist revolution, exploitation of the working class for profit constitutes one side of the character of the national bourgeoisie, while its support of the Constitution and its willingness to accept socialist transformation constitute the other. The national bourgeoisie differs from the imperialists, the landlords, and the bureaucrat capitalists. The contradiction between the national bourgeoisie and the working class is one between exploiter and exploited, and is by nature antagonistic. But in the concrete conditions of China, this antagonistic contradiction between the two classes, if properly handled, can be transformed into a non-antagonistic one and be resolved by peaceful methods. However, the contradiction between the working class and the national bourgeoisie will change into a contradiction between ourselves and the enemy if we do not handle it properly and do not follow the policy of uniting with, criticizing, and educating the national bourgeoisie, or if the national bourgeoisie does not accept this policy of ours.
Since they are different in nature, the contradictions between ourselves and the enemy and the contradictions among the people must be resolved by different methods. To put it briefly, the former entail drawing a clear distinction between ourselves and the enemy, and the latter entail drawing a clear distinction between right and wrong. It is of course true that the distinction between ourselves and the enemy is also one of right and wrong. For example, the question of who is in the right, we or the domestic and foreign reactionaries, the imperialists, feudalists, and bureaucrat capitalists, is also one of right and wrong, but it is in a different category from questions of right and wrong among the people.
The Renmin Ribao [People's Daily] recently carried an article, More on the Historical Experience of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, which discussed international questions. When it discussed these two types of contradictions, it was in regard to international affairs; it didn't say much about domestic affairs. Moreover, on the question of actually handling contradictions among the people, it offered no detailed analysis, but only an explanation of the principle, namely, of the difference between democracy and dictatorship and between democracy and centralism.
Our State is a people's democratic dictatorship led by the working class and based on the worker-peasant alliance. What is this dictatorship for? Its first function is internal, namely, to suppress the reactionary classes and elements and those exploiters who resist the socialist revolution, to suppress those who try to wreck our socialist construction, or in other words, to resolve the contradictions between ourselves and the internal enemy. For instance, to arrest, try, and sentence certain counter-revolutionaries, and to deprive landlords and bureaucrat capitalists of their right to vote and their freedom of speech for a certain period of time — all this comes within the scope of our dictatorship. To maintain public order and safeguard the interests of the people, it is necessary to exercise dictatorship as well over thieves, swindlers, murderers, arsonists, criminal gangs, and other scoundrels who seriously disrupt public order. The second function of this dictatorship is to protect our country from subversion and possible aggression by external enemies. In such contingencies, it is the task of this dictatorship to resolve the contradiction between ourselves and the external enemy. The aim of this dictatorship is to protect all our people, so that they can devote themselves to peaceful labour and make China a socialist country with modern industry, agriculture, science, and culture. Who is to exercise this dictatorship? Naturally, the working class and the entire people under its leadership. Dictatorship does not apply within the ranks of the people. The people cannot exercise dictatorship over themselves, nor must one section of the people oppress another. Lawbreakers among the people will be punished according to law, but this is different in principle from the exercise of dictatorship to suppress enemies of the people. What applies among the people is democratic centralism. Our Constitution lays it down that citizens of the People's Republic of China enjoy freedom of speech, the press, assembly, association, procession, demonstration, religious belief, and so on. Our Constitution also provides that the State bodies must practise democratic centralism, that they must rely on the masses, and that their personnel must serve the people. Our socialist democracy is the broadest kind of democracy, such as is not to be found in any bourgeois State. Our dictatorship is the people's democratic dictatorship led by the working class and based on the worker-peasant alliance. That is to say, democracy operates within the ranks of the people, while the working class, uniting with all others enjoying civil rights, and in the first place with the peasantry, enforces dictatorship over the reactionary classes and elements and all those who resist socialist transformation and oppose socialist construction. By civil rights, we mean, politically, the rights of freedom and democracy.
But this freedom is freedom with leadership and this democracy is democracy under centralized guidance, not anarchy. Anarchy does not accord with the interests or wishes of the people.
Certain people in our country were delighted by the Hungarian Incident. Deceived by domestic and foreign counter-revolutionaries, a faction of the people in Hungary made the mistake of resorting to violence against the People's Government, with the result that both the State and the people suffered. The damage done to the country's economy in a few weeks of rioting will take a long time to repair. Certain people in our country were delighted by this, and they hoped that something similar would happen in China, that thousands upon thousands of people would take to the streets to demonstrate against the People's Government and demand «great democracy». But as I have just said, our dictatorship is exercised by the people; dictatorship means the rule of one class over another. Throughout history, all so-called «great democracy», all democratic mass movements, dealt with antagonistic classes. Some of our friends outside the Party, naturally few in number, do not understand this clearly; in addition, there are a few people with hostile feelings who hope to use «great democracy» to somehow punish the People's Government. They do exist, and they are saying such stuff as: «The day we model ourselves on Poland and Hungary and punish the Communist Party, I will rejoice. We cannot go on with this Communist Party, the dictatorship is too severe.» One university student said that he wants to kill thousands and tens of thousands of people; that is an understatement, because he would like to kill millions and tens of millions of people! Of course, I am being hyperbolic. Even if he were allowed to walk around killing people all day, he couldn't kill that many people. But this indicates what was on his mind. Such people's hopes ran counter to the interests of the masses and therefore couldn't possibly win their support.
In our country, there were some others who wavered on the question of the Hungarian Incident, because they were ignorant of the real state of affairs in the world. They think that there is too little freedom under our people's democracy and that there is more freedom under Western parliamentary democracy, because they think our National People's Congress is no good. They ask for a two-party system as in the West, with one party in office and the other in opposition. But this so-called two-party system is nothing but a device for maintaining the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie; it can never guarantee freedoms to the working people. As a matter of fact, freedom and democracy exist not in the abstract, but only in the concrete. In a society where class struggle exists, if there is freedom for the exploiting classes to exploit the working people, there is no freedom for the working people not to be exploited. If there is democracy for the bourgeoisie, there is no democracy for the proletariat and other working people. The legal existence of the Communist Party is tolerated in some capitalist countries, but only to the extent that it does not endanger the fundamental interests of the bourgeoisie; it is not tolerated beyond that. Those who demand freedom and democracy in the abstract regard democracy as an end and not as a means. Democracy as such sometimes seems to be an end, but it is in fact only a means. Marxism teaches us that democracy is part of the superstructure and belongs to the realm of politics. That is to say, in the last analysis, it serves the economic basis. The same is true of freedom. Both democracy and freedom are relative, not absolute, and they come into being and develop in specific historical conditions. Within the ranks of the people, democracy is correlative with centralism and freedom with discipline. They are the two opposites of a single entity, contradictory as well as united, and we should not one-sidedly emphasize one to the exclusion of the other. Within the ranks of the people, we cannot do without freedom, nor can we do without discipline; we cannot do without democracy, nor can we do without centralism. This unity of democracy and centralism, of freedom and discipline, constitutes our democratic centralism. Under this system, the people enjoy broad democracy and freedom, but at the same time, they have to keep within the bounds of Socialist discipline. All this is well understood by the masses.
The freedoms enjoyed by people abroad are not all that numerous. Their parliament is just a facade for others to see, and their freedom only means freedom for the bourgeoisie. In England, the Conservative Party is free to attack the Suez Canal, while the Labour Party is free not to attack the Suez Canal. A group of people have split from the Conservative Party, such as Anthony Eden's assistant, Anthony Nutting. He wrote articles propagating his standpoint. Thus, Eden and Nutting are both free to have their own opinions, but normal people are not.
In advocating freedom with leadership and democracy under centralized guidance, we in no way mean that coercive measures should be taken to settle ideological questions or questions involving the distinction between right and wrong among the people. All attempts to use administrative orders or coercive measures to settle ideological questions or questions of right and wrong are not only ineffective, but harmful. We cannot abolish religion by administrative order or force people not to believe in it. We cannot compel people to give up idealism, any more than we can force them to embrace Marxism. The only way to settle questions of an ideological nature or controversial issues among the people is by the democratic method, the method of discussion, criticism, persuasion, and education, and not by the method of coercion or repression. To be able to carry on their production and studies effectively and to lead their lives in peace and order, the people want their government and those in charge of production and of cultural and educational organizations to issue appropriate administrative regulations of an obligatory nature. It is common sense that without them, the maintenance of public order would be impossible. Administrative regulations and the method of persuasion and education complement each other in resolving contradictions among the people. In fact, administrative regulations for the maintenance of public order must be accompanied by persuasion and education, for in many cases, regulations alone will not work.
This democratic method of resolving contradictions among the people was epitomized in 1942 in the formula «Unity-Criticism-Unity». To elaborate, that means starting from the desire for unity, resolving contradictions through criticism or struggle, and arriving at a new unity on a new basis. In our experience, this is the correct method of resolving contradictions among the people. In 1942, we used it to resolve contradictions inside the Communist Party, namely, the contradictions between the dogmatists and the great majority of the membership, and between dogmatism and Marxism. The «Left-wing» dogmatists had resorted to the method of «ruthless struggle and merciless blows» in inner-Party struggle, which they had imported wholesale from the Western Paradise. The Guardian of that Paradise was Stalin, and it was the wrong method. In criticizing «Left-wing» dogmatism, we did not use this old method of «an eye for an eye», but adopted a new one, that is, one of starting from the desire for unity, distinguishing between right and wrong through criticism or struggle, and arriving at a new unity on a new basis. This was the method used in the Rectification Movement of 1942. Within a few years, by the time the Communist Party of China held its Seventh National Congress in 1945, unity was achieved throughout the Party as anticipated, and consequently, the people's revolution triumphed. Here, the essential thing is to start from the desire for unity. For without this desire for unity, the struggle, once begun, is certain to throw things into confusion and get out of hand. Wouldn't this be the same as «ruthless struggle and merciless blows»? And what Party unity would there be left? It was precisely this experience that led us to the formula «Unity-Criticism-Unity». Or, in other words, «learn from past mistakes to avoid future ones» and «cure the sickness to save the patient». We extended this method beyond our Party. We applied it with great success in the anti-Japanese base areas in dealing with the relations between the leadership and the masses, between the army and the people, between officers and soldiers, between the different units of the army, and between the different groups of cadres. The use of this method can be traced back to still earlier times in our Party's history. Ever since 1927, when we built our revolutionary armed forces and base areas in the South, this method had been used to deal with the relations between the Party and the masses, between the army and the people, between officers and soldiers, and with other relations among the people. The only difference was that, during the anti-Japanese war, we employed this method much more consciously. And since the liberation of the whole country, we have employed this same method of «Unity-Criticism-Unity» in our relations with the democratic political parties and with industrial and commercial circles. Of course, there are two types of exploiters, and we can only get one type to use this method. The national bourgeoisie is one type; Taiwan is another. To get Taiwan to use it will be more difficult, I think! Jiang Jieshi, Hu Shi, and John Foster Dulles all belong to this second type, so should we try to unite with them, criticize them, and establish unity on a higher basis with them? Impossible! [Laughter.] But it is possible to do so with the national bourgeoisie; this has been completely verified. This method can be employed to deal with people who have made mistakes, people with small-bourgeois and bourgeois ideas, idealists, metaphysicians, and religious people. Our task now is to continue to extend and make still better use of this method throughout the ranks of the people; we want all our factories, cooperatives, shops, schools, offices, and people's organizations, in a word, all our 600'000'000 people, to use it in resolving contradictions among themselves.
Moreover, we should also use this method for treating prisoners of war, as we have done in the past, but only once they have been disarmed. Before they are disarmed, the contradiction is antagonistic and life-and-death; after they are disarmed, the contradiction becomes non-antagonistic, and so we change our attitude, too. The same applies to criminals who are being reformed through labour. We start from the desire for unity. A prisoner of war, a disarmed enemy, a disarmed spy, someone we know to be an enemy of ours, but whom we decide not to kill, but instead to remould — isn't remoulding someone the same as uniting with them? I spoke about this topic at the Supreme State Conference session on the 2nd of May, 1956. At that session, I discussed ten items, including the enemy and ourselves, and right and wrong. The contradiction between right and wrong is a contradiction among the people.
In ordinary circumstances, contradictions among the people are not antagonistic. But if they are not handled properly, or if we relax our vigilance and lower our guard, antagonism may arise. In a socialist country, a development of this kind is usually only a localized and temporary phenomenon. The reason is that the system of exploitation of some by others has been abolished and the interests of the people are fundamentally identical. The antagonistic actions which took place on a fairly wide scale during the Hungarian Incident were the result of the operations of both domestic and foreign counter-revolutionary elements. This was a particular as well as a temporary phenomenon. It was a case of the reactionaries inside a socialist country, in league with the imperialists, attempting to achieve their conspiratorial aims by taking advantage of contradictions among the people to foment dissension and stir up disorder. The lesson of the Hungarian Incident merits attention.
Many people seem to think that the use of the democratic method to resolve contradictions among the people is something new. Actually, it is not. Marxists have always held that the cause of the proletariat must depend on the masses of the people and that Communists must use the democratic method of persuasion and education when working among the working people and must on no account resort to commandism or coercion. The Communist Party of China faithfully adheres to this Marxist-Leninist principle. It has been our consistent view that, under the people's democratic dictatorship, two different methods, one dictatorial and the other democratic, should be used to resolve the two types of contradictions which differ in nature — those between ourselves and the enemy and those among the people. This idea has been explained again and again in many Party documents and in speeches by many leading comrades of our Party. In my article, On the People's Democratic Dictatorship, written in 1949, I said: «The combination of these two aspects, democracy for the people and dictatorship over the reactionaries, is the people's democratic dictatorship.»1 I also pointed out that, in order to settle problems within the ranks of the people, «the method we employ is democratic, the method of persuasion, not of compulsion».1 Again, in addressing the Second Session of the First National Committee of the Political Consultative Conference in June 1950, I said:
The people's democratic dictatorship uses two methods. Toward the enemy, it uses the method of dictatorship, that is, for as long a period of time as is necessary, it does not permit them to take part in political activity and compels them to obey the law of the People's Government, to engage in labour, and, through such labour, be transformed into new human beings. Toward the people, on the contrary, it uses the method of democracy and not of compulsion, that is, it must necessarily let them take part in political activity and does not compel them to do this or that, but uses the method of democracy to educate and persuade. Such education is self-education for the people, and its fundamental method is criticism and self-criticism.2
Thus, on many occasions, we have discussed the use of the democratic method for resolving contradictions among the people; furthermore, we have in the main applied it in our work, and many cadres and many other people are familiar with it in practice. Why, then, do some people now feel that it is a new issue? Because, in the past, the struggle between ourselves and the enemy, both internal and external, was most sharp, and contradictions among the people therefore did not attract as much attention as they do today.
Quite a few people fail to make a clear distinction between these two different types of contradictions — those between ourselves and the enemy, and those among the people — and are prone to confuse the two. It must be admitted that it is sometimes quite easy to do so. We have had instances of such confusion in our work in the past. In the course of cleaning out counter-revolutionaries, good people were sometimes mistaken for bad, and such things still happen today. We are able to keep mistakes within bounds, because it has been our policy to draw a sharp line between ourselves and the enemy and to rectify mistakes whenever discovered.
Marxist philosophy holds that the law of the unity of opposites is the fundamental law of the Universe. This law operates universally, whether in the natural world, in human society, or in human thinking. Between the opposites in a contradiction, there is at once unity and struggle, and it is this that impels things to move and change. Contradictions exist everywhere, but their nature differs in accordance with the different nature of different things. In any given thing, the unity of opposites is conditional, temporary, and transitory, and hence relative, whereas the struggle of opposites is absolute. Lenin gave a very clear exposition of this law. It has come to be understood by a growing number of people in our country. But for many people, it is one thing to accept this law and quite another to apply it in examining and dealing with problems. Many dare not openly admit that contradictions still exist among the people of our country, while it is precisely these contradictions that are pushing our society forward. Many do not admit that contradictions still exist in socialist society, with the result that they become irresolute and passive when confronted with social contradictions; they do not understand that socialist society grows more united and consolidated through the ceaseless process of correctly handling and resolving contradictions. For this reason, we need to explain things to our people, and to our cadres in the first place, in order to help them understand the contradictions in socialist society and learn to use correct methods for handling them.
The question of how to handle contradictions among the people is a new question. Historically, Marx and Engels talked very little about this question; Lenin discussed it, but only briefly, saying that, while antagonism had vanished in socialist society, contradiction had not. That is to say, class antagonisms had been vanquished, the capitalist class had been overthrown, but there were still contradictions among the people. So Lenin himself acknowledged the existence of contradictions among the people, but he did not have time enough to fully analyse this question. As for antagonism, is it possible for contradictions among the people to be transformed from non-antagonistic ones into antagonistic ones? It must be said that it is possible; but in Lenin's time, this had not yet happened, and perhaps he did not pay careful attention to this question because he only led the Council Union for such a short period of time. After the November Revolution, during the period when Stalin was in charge, he confused these two types of contradictions for a long period of time. Problems like criticizing the government, the Communist Party, and so on, are contradictions among the people. But there are two ways to criticize the government and the Communist Party, the enemy criticizing us and the people criticizing us, and the two must not be confused. For very many years, Stalin rarely or never distinguished between the two. A few comrades who worked in the Council Union for many years have told me that there were no such distinctions. You were only allowed to talk about good things, not bad things; you were only allowed to sing praises, not criticize; and whoever criticized something was suspected of being an enemy and ran the risk of imprisonment or execution. Thus, it has always been very easy to mix up and confuse these two types of contradictions. We, too, have sometimes failed to avoid confusing them. In suppressing counter-revolutionaries, we often mistook good people for bad people and subjected them to reform through labour or to struggle sessions. This happened in the past, and it is still happening now. We should clearly distinguish between the enemy and the people, and whenever mistakes are made, they should be corrected. Moreover, during the Yan'an period, the policy was not to execute any counter-revolutionaries who were found in offices, schools, the armed forces, organizations, people's organizations, or the Party, no matter what they had done. This was not stipulated by law, but it was carried out in practice. Of course, a small number of exceptions was inevitable, but in practice, we did not execute these people. In this way, we ensured that redemption was still possible in case of mistakes.
Contradictions in socialist society are fundamentally different from those in the old societies, such as capitalist society. In capitalist society, contradictions find expression in acute antagonisms and conflicts, in sharp class struggle; they cannot be resolved by the capitalist system itself and can only be resolved by socialist revolution. The case is quite different with contradictions in socialist society; on the contrary, they are not antagonistic and can be ceaselessly resolved by the socialist system itself.
In socialist society, the fundamental contradictions are still those between the relations of production and the productive forces and between the superstructure and the economic basis. However, they are fundamentally different in character and have different features from the contradictions between the relations of production and the productive forces and between the superstructure and the economic basis in the old societies. The present social system of our country is far superior to that of the old days. If it were not so, the old system would not have been overthrown and the new system could not have been established. In saying that the socialist relations of production correspond better to the character of the productive forces than did the old relations of production, we mean that they allow the productive forces to develop at a speed unattainable in the old society, so that production can expand steadily and increasingly meet the constantly growing needs of the people. Under the rule of imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucrat capitalism, the productive forces of Old China grew very slowly. For more than 50 years before Liberation, China produced only a few tens of thousands of tons of steel a year, not counting the output of the north-eastern provinces. If these provinces are included, the peak annual steel output only amounted to a little over 900'000 tons. In 1949, the national steel output was a little over 100'000 tons. Yet now, a mere seven years after the liberation of our country, steel output already exceeds 4'000'000 tons. In Old China, there was hardly any machinebuilding industry, to say nothing of the automobile and aircraft industries; now, we have all three. When the people overthrew the rule of imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucrat capitalism, many were not clear as to which way China should head — toward capitalism or toward socialism. Facts have now provided the answer: Only socialism can save China. The socialist system has promoted the rapid development of the productive forces of our country, a fact even our enemies abroad have had to acknowledge.
But our socialist system has only just been set up; it is not yet fully established or fully consolidated. In joint State-private industrial and commercial enterprises, capitalists still get a fixed rate of interest on their capital, that is to say, exploitation still exists. So far as ownership is concerned, these enterprises are not yet completely socialist in nature. A number of our agricultural and handicraft producers' cooperatives are still semi-socialist, while even in the fully socialist cooperatives, certain specific problems of ownership remain to be solved. Relations between production and exchange in accordance with socialist principles are being gradually established within and between all branches of our economy, and more and more appropriate forms are being sought. The problem of the proper relation of accumulation to consumption within each of the two sectors of the socialist economy — the one where the means of production are owned by the whole people and the other where the means of production are owned by the collective — and the problem of the proper relation of accumulation to consumption between the two sectors themselves are complicated problems, for which it is not easy to work out a perfectly rational solution all at once. To sum up, socialist relations of production have been established and are in correspondence with the growth of the productive forces, but these relations are still far from perfect, and this imperfection stands in contradiction to the growth of the productive forces. Apart from correspondence as well as contradiction between the relations of production and the growth of the productive forces, there is correspondence as well as contradiction between the superstructure and the economic basis. The superstructure, comprising the State system and laws of the people's democratic dictatorship and the socialist ideology guided by Marxism-Leninism, plays a positive role in facilitating the victory of socialist transformation and the socialist way of organizing labour; it is in correspondence with the socialist economic basis, that is, with socialist relations of production. But the existence of bourgeois ideology, a certain bureaucratic style of work in our State bodies, and defects in some of the links in our State institutions are in contradiction with the socialist economic basis. We must continue to resolve all such contradictions in the light of our specific conditions. Of course, new problems will emerge as these contradictions are resolved. And further efforts will be required to resolve the new contradictions. For instance, a constant process of readjustment through State planning is needed to deal with the contradiction between production and the needs of society, which will long remain an objective reality. Every year, our country draws up an economic plan in order to establish a proper ratio between accumulation and consumption and achieve an equilibrium between production and needs. Equilibrium is nothing but a temporary, relative unity of opposites. By the end of each year, this equilibrium, taken as a whole, is upset by the struggle of opposites; the unity undergoes a change, equilibrium becomes disequilibrium, unity becomes disunity, and once again, it is necessary to work out an equilibrium and unity for the next year. Herein lies the superiority of our planned economy. As a matter of fact, this equilibrium, this unity, is partially upset every month or every quarter, and partial readjustments are called for. Sometimes, contradictions arise and the equilibrium is upset because our subjective arrangements do not conform to objective reality; this is what we call making a mistake. The ceaseless emergence and ceaseless resolution of contradictions constitute the dialectical law of the development of things.
Today, matters stand as follows. The large-scale, turbulent class struggles of the masses characteristic of times of revolution have in the main come to an end, but class struggle is by no means entirely over. While welcoming the new system, the masses are not yet quite accustomed to it. Government personnel are not sufficiently experienced and have to undertake further research of specific policies. In other words, time is needed for our socialist system to become established and consolidated, for the masses to become accustomed to the new system, and for government personnel to learn and acquire experience. It is therefore imperative for us at this juncture to raise the question of distinguishing contradictions among the people from those between ourselves and the enemy, as well as the question of the correct handling of contradictions among the people, in order to unite the people of all nationalities in our country for the new battle, the battle against nature, develop our economy and culture, help the whole nation to traverse this period of transition relatively smoothly, consolidate our new system, and build up our New State.
#2. THE QUESTION OF ELIMINATING COUNTER-REVOLUTIONARIES
The elimination of counter-revolutionaries is a struggle of opposites as between ourselves and the enemy. Among the people, there are some who see this question in a somewhat different light. Two kinds of people hold views differing from ours. Those with a Right-wing deviation in their thinking make no distinction between ourselves and the enemy and take the enemy for our own people. They regard as friends the very persons whom the masses regard as enemies. In our opinion, the opinion of the broad masses, our enemies are our enemies, but in the opinion of the few Right-wingers, our enemies are our friends. For example, I have a document here — a comrade wrote me a letter which I have now distributed to you. He opposes the release of Kang Ze. In his opinion, Kang Ze is an enemy. This comrade, who was a deputy to the Second Congress of the National Federation of Industry and Commerce held last December, is from Xiangyang District. Kang Ze previously worked in Xiangyang, where he killed the comrade's son, and so the comrade opposed Kang Ze's release; but those who had been friends with Kang Ze had a different opinion, they thought and felt differently, and so their standpoint diverged greatly from that of the people in that it did not distinguish between the enemy and ourselves. These people think the Moon is prettier in the United States than in China, but I think it is the same Moon — why should it be any prettier over there? Those with a «Left-wing» deviation in their thinking — and I put «Left-wing» in quotation marks, because they are not true Left-wingers, but opportunists — magnify contradictions between ourselves and the enemy to such an extent that they take certain contradictions among the people for contradictions with the enemy and regard as counter-revolutionaries persons who are actually not. For example, Stalin was such a person; we, too, have people to overemphasize these contradictions, thus mistaking the category of contradictions among the people for contradictions between the enemy and ourselves. During the Movement to Suppress Counter-Revolutionaries, this deviation appeared time and again. Both these views are wrong. Neither makes possible the correct handling of the problem of eliminating counter-revolutionaries or a correct assessment of this work.
To form a correct evaluation of our work in eliminating counter revolutionaries, let us see what repercussions the Hungarian Incident has had in China. After its occurrence, there was some unrest among a section of our intellectuals, but there were no squalls. Why? One reason, it must be said, was our success in eliminating counter-revolutionaries fairly thoroughly.
Of course, the consolidation of our State is not due primarily to the elimination of counter-revolutionaries. It is due primarily to the fact that we have a Communist Party and a Liberation Army both tempered in decades of revolutionary struggle, and a working people likewise so tempered. Our Party and our armed forces are rooted in the masses, have been tempered in the flames of a protracted revolution and have the capacity to fight. Our People's Republic was not built overnight, but developed step by step out of the revolutionary base areas. A number of democratic figures have also been tempered in the struggle in varying degrees, and they have gone through troubled times together with us. Some intellectuals were tempered in the struggles against imperialism and reaction, such as the 9th of December Movement, the movement against the 18th of September Incident, the 30th of May Movement, the movement to boycott Japanese commodities, and the 4th of May Movement. Beginning with the 4th of May Movement, the various student movements have been the ones to hold high the anti-imperialist banner and preserve the anti-imperialist tradition. Since Liberation, many intellectuals have gone through a process of ideological remoulding aimed at enabling them to distinguish clearly between ourselves and the enemy. But none of this happened in Hungary. In addition, the consolidation of our State is due to the fact that our economic measures are fundamentally sound, that the people's life is secure and steadily improving, that our policies toward the national bourgeoisie and other classes are correct, and so on. Nevertheless, our success in eliminating counter-revolutionaries is undoubtedly an important reason for the consolidation of our State. For all these reasons, with few exceptions, our college students are patriotic and support socialism and did not give way to unrest during the Hungarian Incident, even though 80% of them come from families of non-working people, whereas 60% of all Hungarian university students come from a worker-peasant background, but they are out going on strike, rioting, and listening to the orders of the Petofi Club. Our students don't have a Petofi Club, and the same is true of the national bourgeoisie, to say nothing of the deepest masses — the workers and peasants.
After Liberation, we rooted out a number of counter-revolutionaries. Some were sentenced to death for major crimes. This was absolutely necessary, it was the demand of the masses, and it was done to free them from long years of oppression by the counter-revolutionaries and all kinds of local tyrants, in other words, to liberate the productive forces. If we had not done so, the masses would not have been able to lift their heads. Since 1956, however, there has been a radical change in the situation. In the country as a whole, the bulk of the counter-revolutionaries have been cleared out. Our fundamental task has changed from unfettering the productive forces to protecting and expanding them in the context of the new relations of production. Because of failure to understand that our present policy fits the present situation and our past policy fitted the past situation, some people want to make use of the present policy to reverse past decisions and to negate the tremendous success we achieved in eliminating counter-revolutionaries. This is completely wrong, and the masses will not permit it.
In our work of eliminating counter-revolutionaries, successes were the main thing, but there were also mistakes. In some cases, there were excesses, and in others, counter-revolutionaries slipped through our net. Our policy is: «Counter-revolutionaries must be eliminated wherever found, mistakes must be corrected whenever discovered.» This is also the case in the Ministry of Public Security and in the Ministry of Control. Our line in the work of eliminating counter-revolutionaries is the mass line. Of course, even with the mass line mistakes may still occur, but they will be fewer and easier to correct. The masses gain experience through struggle. From the things done correctly, they gain the experience of how things are done correctly. From the mistakes made, they gain the experience of how mistakes are made.
In comparison with other countries, we have done relatively well in eliminating counter-revolutionaries. The Council Union committed «Left-wing» errors, and Hungary committed Right-wing errors. We have drawn lessons from this — it's not that we're especially clever. Because the Council Union was too «Left-wing», we learned something from that experience. We ourselves committed «Left-wing» excesses, too. During the period of the base areas in the South, we suffered losses, because every base area, without exception, used the Soviet method. Later, we put things right, and only then did we gain experience. In Yan'an, we finally enacted some rules, namely, killing none and not arresting most. Once we entered Beijing, there were some improvements, but naturally, there are still shortcomings. Compared with the Council Union during Stalin's time, we have a different line for suppressing counter-revolutionaries. Stalin had two aspects. One was the elimination of genuine counter-revolutionaries, which was the correct aspect. The other aspect was the incorrect killing of numerous people, including important people. For example, 80% high percentage of the delegates to the Party's 17th All-Union Congress were killed, as well as 50% of the members of the 17th Central Committee. Because we saw Stalin's negative example, we didn't do this. Yes, during the great Movement to Suppress Counter-Revolutionaries in 1950-52, we killed a lot of people, and we also killed a lot of local tyrants and evil gentry during the Movement Against the «Five Evils». But this was no fundamental mistake; those people deserved to get killed. In fact, we should have probably killed about 70'000 more people, but no more than 80'000. Since last year, we have almost killed no people, only a small number of individuals. Some people say: «You people are so capricious; if you had known it would come to this, why did you start as you did? And now again, you want no more killing.» In the past four or five years, we've only killed a few tens of thousands of people. In the past year, we've only killed a small number of individuals. In 1950-52, we killed 700'000 people. The Xianggang newspapers expanded that estimate (after all, we don't share our statistics with them); they said we killed 20'000'000 people. If we subtract 700'000 from 20'000'000, that leaves 19'300'000. Now that's an excess! «The tyrant Zhou could not have been as wicked as you say.» How could we possibly kill 20'000'000 people? It's true that 700'000 people were killed; but if they had not been killed, the people would not have been able to stand up, because the «Tyrant of the East», the «Tyrant of the South», the «Tyrant of the West», and the «Tyrant of the North» would still have been riding roughshod over them. As for Hungary, they fundamentally did not eliminate the counter-revolutionaries. They killed Rajk and some actual revolutionaries, but very few counter-revolutionaries. This was the cause of the Hungarian Incident. In contrast, China is extremely stable.
Wherever mistakes have been discovered in the work of eliminating counter-revolutionaries, steps have been or are being taken to correct them. Those not yet discovered will be corrected as soon as they come to light. Exoneration or rehabilitation should be made known as widely as were the original wrong decisions. I propose that a comprehensive review of the work of eliminating counter-revolutionaries be made this year or next to sum up experience, promote justice, and counter unjust attacks. Nationally, this review should be in the charge of the Standing Committees of the National People's Congress and of the National Committee of the Political Consultative Conference, and, locally, in the charge of the people's councils and the committees of the Political Consultative Conference in the provinces and municipalities. In this review, we must help the large numbers of cadres and activists involved in the work, and not pour cold water on them. It would not be right to dampen their spirits. Nonetheless, wrongs must be righted when discovered. This must be the attitude of all the public security bodies, the procurators' offices, and the judicial departments, prisons, and agencies charged with the reform of criminals through labour. We hope that, wherever possible, members of the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress, members of the National Committee of the Political Consultative Conference, and people's deputies will take part in this review. This will be of help in perfecting our legal system and in dealing correctly with counter-revolutionaries and other criminals.
The present situation with regard to counter-revolutionaries can be described in these words: There still are counter-revolutionaries, but not many. In the first place, there still are counter-revolutionaries. Some people say that there aren't any more left and all is well and that we can therefore lay our heads on our pillows and just drop off to sleep. But this is not the way things are. China has a Beijing in it, Beijing as an Institute of Aeronautics, the Institute of Aeronautics has a Party branch, and the Party branch has a deputy secretary — what is he called? His name ought to be made known. [Someone says: «Ma Yunfeng.»] Ma Yunfeng went and painted a slogan. It said: «Oppose the Council Union's sending troops into Hungary!» Not only did he, a branch deputy secretary, not consult with the relevant Party committee, but he also secretly wrote numerous posters and pasted them up everywhere. In reality, this Communist Party member was approving a counter-revolutionary insurrection, approving Western nations going in to «assist» Hungary. Therefore, the fact is that there still are counter-revolutionaries (of course, that is not to say you'll find them everywhere and in every organization), and we must continue to fight them. Of course, a person like Ma Yunfeng is not necessarily a counter-revolutionary, even though he has reactionary ideas. He was later expelled from the Party, but he was kept at the Institute to study. Even though he has reactionary ideas, to claim that he is one of Jiang Jieshi's agents is not right. We have discovered many reactionary posters, whether in Beijing's schools or in some factories. Therefore, it must be understood that the hidden counter-revolutionaries still at large will not take things lying down, but will certainly seize every opportunity to make trouble. The US imperialists and the Jiang Jieshi clique are constantly sending in secret agents to carry on disruptive activities. Even after all the existing counter-revolutionaries have been combed out, new ones are likely to emerge. If we drop our guard, we shall be badly fooled and shall suffer severely. Counter-revolutionaries must be rooted out with a firm hand wherever they are found making trouble. But, taking the country as a whole, there are certainly not many counter-revolutionaries. It would be wrong to say that there are still large numbers of counter-revolutionaries in China. Acceptance of that view would likewise result in a mess. They probably only amount to 0,1% of the population at most.
Should there be a general amnesty? A general amnesty involves many problems. Some people are interested in this. I am generally not in favour of this idea; I am a bad element. [Laughter.] So it is hard for me to avoid a bit of friction with these people. We should never grant a general amnesty. This is stipulated by the Constitution. Since I am President, how can I not abide by the Constitution? There is no need to use this term; in fact, a general amnesty is possible, but we cannot use the term «general amnesty», because that would mean that all the counter-revolutionaries must be released at once. Such a general amnesty would include Kang Ze, Wang Yaowu, Puyi, and Du Yuming — if these people were all released, the common people would surely oppose it. Even now, criminals undergoing remoulding through labour are saying: «You have pardoned so many big counter-revolutionaries, so why haven't you pardoned me?» The criminals will talk in this way. If there is an amnesty, the courts will have no work to do, and the procurators' offices, too, will not be needed, because even Kang Ze can be pardoned! Some people say: «Even Taiwan can be pardoned, even Jiang Jieshi can be pardoned, so why can't people like Kang Ze be pardoned?» Who pardoned Jiang Jieshi? There is no pardon for him, the National People's Congress has not decided to pardon Jiang Jieshi! What we really did was to propose to Jiang Jieshi: If you rise up in revolt, you will become an insurrectionary general, and then you will have earned the right to receive a pardon. You people on the Taiwan side must revolt. We no longer call him «the bandit Jiang Jieshi» or call them «the Jiang Jieshi bandit clique», but he still calls us «Communist bandits» every day, and he's not polite to the democratic figures either, calling them «traitors», for example, «the traitor Zhang Zhizhong», and so on, in his newspapers.
So we can't release people. Does that mean that we can never release them? Of course not. I think they should be released slowly. Secretly release one, openly release another; today release one, tomorrow release another. In any event, we don't put it in the papers nor do we send out a communique. The release of a small number of famous names will be considered in the future. For example, how should one handle Puyi? After all, he is the Emperor, my only superior. [Laughter.] Everyone above the age of 40 or 50 years old are his subjects, his people, but this Emperor has also offended the people. He can be released in the future, but not yet. At present, there still cannot be any general amnesty. A pardon is of no benefit to Puyi; it is of no benefit to Kang Ze, either, nor to Du Yuming. The people will not understand the release of these people. We can invite them out for a visit to see the Gate of Heavenly Peace, the big Wuhan bridge, the factories, and the villages. Emperor Puyi has been out and seen things, and Kang Ze, too. Study, education, newspapers, research — we can think about whether there's a job they can do. One can even give them a job in prison. Gradually release those few criminals who have reasonably thoroughly repented. Those who have repented reasonably thoroughly, or whose crimes were not serious, should be gradually released. Release them in the following manner from now on: Don't print it in the newspapers, because this is a contradiction among the people; otherwise, the peasants will grab their pitchforks and the workers their crowbars and beat them up, and we wouldn't be able to protect them, so we would end up looking like chickens not knowing whether to cross the road.
#3. THE QUESTION OF THE COOPERATIVE TRANSFORMATION OF AGRICULTURE
We have a rural population of over 500'000'000, so how our peasants fare has a most important bearing on the development of our economy and the consolidation of our State power. In my view, the situation is basically sound. The cooperative transformation of agriculture has been successfully accomplished, and this has resolved the great contradiction in our country between socialist industrialization and the individual peasant economy. As the cooperative transformation of agriculture was completed so rapidly, some people were worried and wondered whether something untoward might occur. There are indeed some faults, but fortunately, they are not serious, and on the whole, the movement is healthy. The peasants are working with one will, and last year there was an increase in the country's grain output despite the worst floods, droughts, and gales in years. Now there are people who are stirring up a miniature typhoon, they are saying that cooperation is no good, that there is nothing superior about it. Is cooperation superior or not? Among the documents distributed at today's meeting, there is one about the Wang Guofan Cooperative in Zunhua County, Hebei Province, which I suggest you read. This cooperative is situated in a hilly region which was very poor in the past and which for a number of years depended on relief grain from the People's Government. When the cooperative was first set up in 1953, people called it the «paupers' coop». But it has become better off year by year, and now, after four years of hard struggle, most of its households have reserves of grain. What was possible for this cooperative should also be possible for others to achieve under normal conditions in the same length of time or a little longer. Clearly, there are no grounds for saying that something has gone wrong with agricultural cooperation.
It is also clear that it takes hard struggle to build cooperatives. New things always have to experience difficulties and setbacks as they grow. It is sheer fantasy to imagine that the cause of socialism is all plain sailing and easy success, with no difficulties and setbacks, or without the exertion of tremendous efforts.
Who are the active supporters of the cooperatives? The overwhelming majority of the poor and lower-middle peasants who constitute more than 70% of the rural population. Most of the other peasants are also placing their hopes on the cooperatives. Only a very small minority — the landlords, rich peasants, and upper-middle peasants — are really dissatisfied. Those who are very dissatisfied with the cooperatives are only about 1% of the entire peasantry in some places, or between 2 and 5% in other places, but all in all, it is only a few percent. Quite a number of persons have failed to analyse this situation and to make an overall examination of the achievements and shortcomings of the cooperatives and the causes of these shortcomings; instead, they have taken part of the picture or one side of the matter for the whole, and consequently, a miniature typhoon has been stirred up among some people, who are saying that the cooperatives are not superior.
How long will it take to consolidate the cooperatives and for this talk about their not being superior to wind up? Judging from the experience of the growth of many cooperatives, it will probably take five years or a little longer. As most of our cooperatives are only a little over a year old, it would be unreasonable to ask too much of them. In my view, we will be doing well enough if the cooperatives can be consolidated during the Second Five-Year Plan after being established in the First.
The cooperatives are now in the process of gradual consolidation. There are certain contradictions that remain to be resolved, such as those between the State and the cooperatives and those in and between the cooperatives themselves.
To resolve these contradictions, we must pay constant attention to the problems of production and distribution. On the question of production, the cooperative economy must be subject to the unified economic planning of the State, while retaining a certain flexibility and independence that do not run counter to the State's unified plan or its policies, laws, and regulations. At the same time, every household in a cooperative must comply with the overall plan of the cooperative or production team to which it belongs, though it may make its own appropriate plans in regard to land allotted for personal needs and to other individually operated economic undertakings. On the question of distribution, we must take the interests of the State, the collective, and the individual into account. We must properly handle the three-way relationship between the State agricultural tax, the cooperative's accumulation fund, and the peasants' personal income, and take constant care to make readjustments, so as to resolve contradictions between them. Accumulation is essential for both the State and the cooperative, but in neither case should it be excessive. We should do everything possible to enable the peasants in normal years to raise their personal incomes annually through increased production.
Many people say that the peasants lead a hard life. Is this true? In one sense, it is. That is to say, because the imperialists and their agents oppressed and exploited us for over a century, ours is an impoverished country, and the standard of living, not only of our peasants, but of our workers and intellectuals, is still low. We will need several decades of strenuous effort gradually to raise the standard of living of our people as a whole. In this context, it is right to say that the peasants lead a «hard life». But in another sense, it is not true. We refer to the allegation that, in the seven years since Liberation, it is only the life of the workers that has been improved and not that of the peasants. As a matter of fact, with very few exceptions, there has been some improvement in the life of both the peasants and the workers. Since Liberation, the peasants have been free from landlord exploitation and their production has increased annually. Take grain crops. In 1949, the country's output was only something over 210'000'000'000 catties [105'000'000 tons]. By 1956, it had risen to more than 360'000'000'000 catties [180'000'000 tons], an increase of nearly 150'000'000'000 catties [75'000'000 tons]. The State agricultural tax is not heavy, only amounting to something over 30'000'000'000 catties [15'000'000 tons] a year. State purchases of grain from the peasants at standard prices only amount to a little over 50'000'000'000 catties [25'000'000 tons] a year. These two items together total over 80'000'000'000 catties [40'000'000 tons]. Furthermore, more than half this grain is sold back to the villages and nearby towns. Obviously, no one can say that there has been no improvement in the life of the peasants. For some peasants, life has not changed for the better; grain-deficient households are probably around 10%, in some areas 15%, in some areas a few percent. I think it will take three or four years for the grain-deficient households gradually to obtain enough grain. Didn't we say the consolidation of the agricultural producers' cooperatives would take five years? So in five years, grain-deficient households will no longer be deficient. In order to help agriculture to develop and the cooperatives to become consolidated, we are planning to stabilize the total annual amount of the grain tax plus the grain purchased by the State at somewhat more than 80'000'000'000 catties [40'000'000 tons] within a few years. In this way, the small number of grain-deficient households still found in the countryside will stop being short, all peasant households, except some raising industrial crops, will either have grain reserves or at least become self-sufficient, there will no longer be poor peasants in the countryside, and the standard of living of the entire peasantry will reach or surpass the middle peasants' level. It is not right simply to compare a peasant's average annual income with a worker's and jump to the conclusion that one is too low and the other too high. Since the labour productivity of the workers is much higher than that of the peasants and the latter's cost of living is much lower than that of workers in the cities, the workers cannot be said to have received special favours from the State. Wages in the urban areas are relatively higher than in the countryside. Currently, the average annual income of a peasant is RMB 60; there are some above RMB 60, there are some below RMB 60, for example, RMB 50 or 40, which are still acceptable, but RMB 30 is not enough; still, there are annual incomes of RMB 20 or 17. For a family of four, if each member gets only RMB 17, the family will have to life on RMB 68 for an entire year. This is the most bitter case, but there are instances of a single person earning as much as RMB 100 and more every year. Are there cases of people earning RMB 200 and more? Yes. There are even cases where one person earns RMB 1'000, which would leave a family of four with RMB 4'000. So, you see, in a few years, the peasants will be richer than the workers. However, the wages of a small number of workers and some State personnel are in fact a little too high, the peasants have reason to be dissatisfied with this, and it is necessary to make certain appropriate adjustments according to specific circumstances.
#4. THE QUESTION OF THE INDUSTRIALISTS AND BUSINESSPEOPLE
With regard to the transformation of our social system, the year 1956 saw the conversion of privately owned industrial and commercial enterprises into joint State-private enterprises as well as the cooperative transformation of agriculture and handicrafts. The speed and smoothness of this conversion were closely bound up with our treating the contradiction between the working class and the national bourgeoisie as a contradiction among the people. Has this class contradiction been completely resolved? No, not yet. That will take a considerable period of time. However, some people say the capitalists have been so remoulded that they are now not very different from the workers and that further remoulding is unnecessary. Others go so far as to say that the capitalists are even better than the workers. Still others ask, if remoulding is necessary, why isn't it necessary for the working class? Are these opinions correct? Of course not.
In the building of a socialist society, everybody needs remoulding — the exploiters and also the working people. Who says it isn't necessary for the working class? In our China, with its population of 600'000'000 people, until all those people are liberated, well, then the working class cannot be liberated either. Of course, the remoulding of the exploiters is essentially different from that of the working people, and the two must not be confused. The working class remoulds the whole of society in class struggle and in the struggle against nature, and in the process, it remoulds itself. It must ceaselessly learn in the course of work, gradually overcome its shortcomings and never stop doing so. Take for example those of us present here. Many of us make some progress each year, that is to say, we are remoulding ourselves each year. For myself, I used to have all sorts of non-Marxist ideas, and it was only later that I embraced Marxism. Mr. Shirob Jaltso, we followed your Buddhism and prayed to Bodhisattvas; one time, I made a pilgrimage to Mount Heng to fulfil my mother's promise. I also used to be an Anarchist. I thought: «Hey! That Anarchism stuff is great!» I also believed in Kantian idealism. You see what a complicated person I am. It was only later that I learned a little Marxism from books and took the first steps in remoulding my ideology, but it was mainly through taking part in class struggle over the years that I came to be remoulded. And if I am to make further progress, I must continue to learn; otherwise, I shall lag behind. Can the capitalists be so good that they need no more remoulding?
Some people contend that the Chinese bourgeoisie no longer has two aspects to its character, but only one side. Is this true? No. While members of the bourgeoisie have become administrative personnel in joint State-private enterprises and are being transformed from exploiters into working people living by their own labour, they still get a fixed rate of interest on their capital in the joint enterprises, that is, they have not yet cut themselves loose from the roots of exploitation. Between them and the working class, there is still a considerable gap in ideology, sentiments, and lifestyle. How can it be said that they no longer have two aspects to their character? Even when they stop receiving their fixed interest payments and the «bourgeois» label is removed, they will still need ideological remoulding for quite some time. If, as is alleged, the bourgeoisie no longer has a dual character, then the capitalists will no longer have the task of studying and of remoulding themselves.
It must be said that this view does not tally either with the actual situation of our industrialists and businesspeople or with what most of them want. During the past few years, most of them have been willing to study and have made marked progress. As their thorough remoulding can be achieved only in the course of work, they should engage in labour together with the staff and workers in the enterprises and regard these enterprises as the chief places in which to remould themselves. But it is also important for them to change some of their old views through study. Such study should be on a voluntary basis. When they return to the enterprises after being in study groups for some weeks, many industrialists and businesspeople find that they have more of a common language with the workers and the representatives of State ownership, and so there are better possibilities for working together. They know from personal experience that it is good for them to keep on studying and remoulding themselves. The idea mentioned above that study and remoulding are not necessary reflects the views, not of the majority of industrialists and businesspeople, but of only a small number.
Some people become afraid as soon as they hear the word remoulding. We have such people. What we call remoulding, the Americans call brainwashing. I think the Americans are the real brainwashers. Americans are really good at brainwashing. We here are a bit more civilized.
#5. THE QUESTION OF THE INTELLECTUALS
The contradictions within the ranks of the people in our country also find expression among the intellectuals. The several million intellectuals who worked for the old society have come to serve the new society, and the question that now arises is how they can fit in with the needs of the new society and how we can help them to do so. This, too, is a contradiction among the people.
Most of our intellectuals have made marked progress during the last seven years. They have shown they are in favour of the socialist system. Many are diligently studying Marxism, and some have become Communists. The latter, though at present small in number, are steadily increasing. Of course, there are still some intellectuals who are sceptical about socialism or do not approve of it, but they are a minority.
China needs the services of as many intellectuals as possible for the colossal task of building socialism. We should trust those who are really willing to serve the cause of socialism and should radically improve our relations with them and help them solve the problems requiring solution, so that they can give full play to their talents. Many of our comrades are not good at uniting with intellectuals. They are stiff in their attitude toward them, lack respect for their work, and interfere in certain scientific and cultural matters where interference is unwarranted. We must do away with all such shortcomings.
Although large numbers of intellectuals have made progress, they should not be complacent. They must continue to remould themselves, gradually shed their bourgeois worldview, and acquire the proletarian, Communist worldview, so that they can fully fit in with the needs of the new society and unite with the workers and peasants. The change in worldview is fundamental, and up to now, most of our intellectuals cannot be said to have accomplished it. We hope that they will continue to make progress and that in the course of work and study they will gradually acquire the Communist worldview, grasp Marxism-Leninism, and become integrated with the workers and peasants. We hope they will not stop halfway, or, what is worse, slide back, for there will be no future for them in going backward. Since our country's social system has changed and the economic basis of bourgeois ideology has in the main been destroyed, not only is it imperative for large numbers of our intellectuals to change their worldview, but it is also possible for them to do so. But a thorough change in worldview takes a very long time, and we should spare no pains in helping them and must not be impatient. Actually, there are bound to be some who ideologically will always be reluctant to accept Marxism-Leninism and Communism. We should not be too exacting in what we demand of them; as long as they comply with the requirements laid down by the State and engage in legitimate pursuits, we should let them have opportunities for suitable work.
Among students and intellectuals, since the Hungarian Incident, there has recently been a falling off in ideological and political work, and some unhealthy tendencies have appeared. Some people seem to think that there is no longer any need to concern themselves with politics or with the future of the homeland and the ideals of humanity. It seems as if Marxism, once all the rage, is currently not so much in fashion. To counter these tendencies, we must strengthen our ideological and political work. Both students and intellectuals should study hard. In addition to the study of their specialized subjects, they must make progress ideologically and politically, which means they should study Marxism, current events, and politics. Not to have a correct political orientation is like not having a soul. The ideological remoulding in the past was necessary and has yielded positive results. But it was carried on in a somewhat rough-and-ready fashion and the feelings of some people were hurt — this was not good. We must avoid such shortcomings in future. All departments and organizations should shoulder their responsibilities for ideological and political work. This applies to the Communist Party, the Youth League, the Ministry of Higher Education, government departments in charge of this work, and especially to heads of educational institutions and teachers. Our educational policy must enable everyone who receives an education to develop morally, intellectually, and physically and become a worker with both Socialist consciousness and culture. We must spread the idea of building our country through diligence and thrift. We must help all our young people to understand that ours is still a very poor country, that we cannot change this situation radically in a short time, and that only through decades of united effort by our younger generation and all our people, working with their own hands, can China be made prosperous and strong. The establishment of our socialist system has opened the road leading to the ideal society of the future, but to translate this ideal into reality needs hard work. Some of our young people think that everything ought to be perfect once a socialist society is established and that they should be able to enjoy a happy life ready-made, without working for it. This is unrealistic.
#6. THE QUESTION OF THE NATIONAL MINORITIES
The national minorities in our country number more than 30'000'000. Although they constitute only 6% of the total population, they inhabit extensive regions which comprise 50 to 60% of China's total area. It is thus imperative to foster good relations between the Han people and the national minorities. The key to this question lies in overcoming Han chauvinism. At the same time, efforts should also be made to overcome local-nationality chauvinism, wherever it exists among the national minorities. Both Han chauvinism and local-nationality chauvinism are harmful to the unity of the nationalities; they represent one kind of contradiction among the people which should be resolved. We have already done some work to this end. In most of the areas inhabited by national minorities, there has been considerable improvement in the relations between the nationalities, but a number of problems remain to be solved. In some areas, both Han chauvinism and local-nationality chauvinism still exist to a serious degree, and this demands full attention. As a result of the efforts of the people of all nationalities over the last few years, democratic reforms and socialist transformation have in the main been completed in most of the national-minority areas. Democratic reforms have not yet been carried out in Tibet, because conditions are not ripe. According to the 17-article agreement reached between the Central People's Government and the local government of Tibet, the reform of the social system must be carried out, but the timing can only be decided when the great majority of the people of Tibet and the local leading public figures consider it opportune, and one should not be impatient. It has now been decided not to proceed with democratic reforms in Tibet during the period of the Second Five-Year Plan. Whether to proceed with them in the period of the Third Five-Year Plan can only be decided in the light of the situation at the time.
#7. OVERALL CONSIDERATION AND PROPER ARRANGEMENT
By overall consideration, we mean consideration that embraces the 600'000'000 people of our country. In drawing up plans, handling affairs, or thinking over problems, we must proceed from the fact that China has a population of 600'000'000, and we must never forget this fact. Why do we make a point of this? Is it possible that there are people who are still unaware that we have a population of 600'000'000? Of course, everyone knows this, but when it comes to actual practice, some people forget all about it and act as though the fewer the people, the smaller the group, the better. Those who have this «small-group» mentality abhor the idea of bringing every positive factor into play, of uniting with everyone who can be united with, and of doing everything possible to turn negative factors into positive ones, so as to serve the great cause of building a socialist society. I hope these people will take a wider view and fully recognize that we have a population of 600'000'000, that this is an objective fact, and that it is an asset for us. Our large population is a good thing, but of course, it also involves certain difficulties. Construction is going ahead vigorously on all fronts and very successfully too, but in the present transitional period of tremendous social change, there are still many difficult problems. Progress and at the same time difficulties — this is a contradiction. However, not only should all such contradictions be resolved, but they definitely can be. Our guiding principle is overall consideration and proper arrangement. Whatever the problem — whether it concerns food, natural calamities, employment, education, the intellectuals, the united front of all patriotic forces, the national minorities, or anything else — we must always proceed from the standpoint of overall consideration, which embraces the whole people, and must make the proper arrangement, after consultation with all the circles concerned, in the light of what is feasible at a particular time and place. On no account should we complain that there are too many people, that others are backward, that things are troublesome and hard to handle, and close the door on them. Do I mean to say that the government alone must take care of everyone and everything? Of course not. In many cases, they can be left to the direct care of the public organizations or the masses — both are quite capable of devising many good ways of handling them. This also comes within the scope of the principle of overall consideration and proper arrangement. We should give guidance on this to the public organizations and the people everywhere.
As to the fact that we have a population of 600'000'000 people, which is much larger than that of any other country in the world, we need birth control. It would be great if we could lower the birthrate a bit. We need planned parenthood. I think humanity is most inept at managing itself. we have plans for industrial production, textile production, production of household necessities, and steel production, but we have no plans for the production of humans. This is anarchy — no government, no organization, no rules. [Loud laughter.] If we go on this way, I think humanity will prematurely fall into strife and hasten toward destruction. If China's population of 600'000'000 increases ten-fold, what will that be? 6'000'000'000 people; then we will be near destruction. There will be nothing to eat, and with advances in hygiene, sanitation, and inoculation, there will be so many babies that it will be disastrous. One day, all of them will be of venerable age and eminent virtue. [Loud laughter.] I won't dwell on the question of birth control today, because Mr. Shao Lizi here is a famous specialist on the subject!3 [Loud laughter.] He has an imperial examination degree, so he's more educated than I am. [Laughter.] There's also Minister of Health Li Dequan, who also pays great attention to the subject. Perhaps the government should establish a Department for Birth Control — wouldn't that be a good idea? [Loud laughter.] Or maybe a Birth Control Committee or a people's organization to advocate birth control? We need to solve a few technical problems, provide funds, think up methods, and do propaganda work. Anyway, I won't talk about this question more right now.
On the question of disaster relief, every year throughout the country, there are natural disasters, and there are many victims of such natural disasters. We should provide them with grain as part of the unified State marketing of grain. The Council Union has never done this. But we take into account every city, village, and household without grain or deficient in grain. We make sure there are jobs in industry and commerce, we provide for the unemployed, and we have unified planning in all the various spheres. Last year alone, more than 3'000'000 people got new jobs. There were some problems. According to the plan, 800'000 people were supposed to get jobs, but it ended up being about 3'000'000 people, which is an excess of over 2'000'000, so we had to pay more wages. However, not only did we give wages to the original 800'000 people, but we have increased the wages of more than 18'000'000 people, including all 3'000'000 newly employed people last year. That's a very heavy burden. Has unemployment been completely eradicated yet? Not yet. For example, Guangzhou still has quite a number of unemployed; they have to think up methods to deal with the problem. The methods of dealing with unemployment are different from place to place. Shanghai, too, has some unemployed people. Other places have them, too — some more, some less. But the number of unemployed people has decreased. Some people suggest spreading the rations for three people across five people, which is worth considering. But we would rather lower the salaries a bit. For instance, we shouldn't raise our own salaries for the next eight to ten years. Some of you may disagree, but I don't think any high officials will die because their salaries remain the same for ten years — how could it kill anyone? You people think the elderly should be venerated, but I think only those with low salaries should be venerated. [Laughter.] From now on, when we raise salaries, only the lower ranks should get their salaries raised.
What should we do about the student question? 40% of school-age children have no schools to attend. Our People's Government isn't omnipotent; it cannot leap across the sky in one somersault like Sun Wukong. 40% of people have no schools to attend. There is also another problem, the problem of the 4'000'000 senior primary-school graduates who cannot advance to middle school, because there are no middle-school buildings, funds, and so on. So there are 4'000'000 people who cannot advance. These people will return to the units of production, including rural ones. How many graduates from junior middle school cannot advance to senior middle school? 400'000. How many senior middle-school graduates cannot advance to university? One estimates 40'000, others 80'000 or 90'000. [Zhou Enlai makes the estimate of 800'000 junior middle-school students, not 400'000.] Ay! 800'000 junior middle-school students, not 400'000 — the morning's estimate is superseded by the evening's estimate. [Laughter.] 800'000 junior middle-school students are unable to advance in their studies, and a great many of them have problems with finding employment, too. 800'000 is so many people! There are 90'000 senior middle-school students who are unable to advance to university; this, too, has created an unemployment problem. To wait until later is one kind of arrangement. For example, buying pork. You wait at the end of a snaking, long line, and up front, the pork has already been sold out. Best just to go back home — after all, you couldn't buy pork! This is quite a big problem, and I want to ask you all to think it over; the government, too, should think it over. In sum, this year's plan is for just so much money. With only so much money, only so much can be done.
#8. ON «LET A HUNDRED FLOWERS BLOSSOMS, LET A HUNDRED SCHOOLS OF THOUGHT CONTEND» AND «LONG-TERM COEXISTENCE AND MUTUAL SUPERVISION»
Now, I'll talk about the questions of letting a hundred flowers blossom and a hundred schools of thought contend, and of long-term coexistence and mutual supervision. These are questions of contradictions among the people. Lenin said that, in socialist society, contradictions among the people will remain, but antagonistic contradictions will disappear. I already said that Lenin, at his time, was unable to fully research this question; he lacked experience when he died. For a long time, Stalin did not admit the existence of contradictions in socialist society, but in his later years — he died in 1953 — he wrote a book, in 1952, called Economic Problems of Socialism in the Council Union. In that book, he recognized the existence of contradictions between the relations of production and the productive forces in socialist society. If this contradiction is handled well, contradiction will not develop into antagonism; if it is not handled well, it will develop into antagonism. Stalin wrote:
Comrade Jarosenko is mistaken when he asserts that there is no contradiction between the relations of production and the productive forces of society under socialism. Of course, our present relations of production are in a period when they fully conform to the growth of the productive forces and help to advance them at seven-league strides. But it would be wrong to rest easy at that and to think that there are no contradictions between our productive forces and the relations of production. There certainly are, and will be, contradictions, seeing that the development of the relations of production lags, and will lag, behind the development of the productive forces. Given a correct policy on the part of the directing bodies, these contradictions cannot grow into antagonisms, and there is no chance of matters coming to a conflict between the relations of production and the productive forces of society. It would be a different matter if we were to conduct a wrong policy, such as that which Comrade Jarosenko recommends. In that case, conflict would be inevitable, and our relations of production might become a serious brake on the further development of the productive forces.4
So Stalin already recognized this point. We have been learning from the Council Union for about 40 years. The Communist Party of China and the Chinese Marxists led the revolutionary struggle, from the creation of the base areas in 1927, or ten years later than our Soviet comrades. They were victorious, or rather, began to be victorious, in 1917, whereas we only began to establish base areas in various places in 1927. From 1927 to '57, we have had 30 years of experience. We should affirm that contradictions exist in socialist society; these are the fundamental kinds of contradictions, namely, the contradiction between the relations of production and the productive forces, and between the superstructure and the economic basis. These contradictions are constantly expressed as contradictions among the people. We have no private capitalists, landlords, factory owners, nor enterprise owners; thus, these are not contradictions between the enemy and ourselves. Therefore, we say that Stalin was deficient in dialectics, not that he had no dialectics. In the People's Daily editorial, More on the Historical Experience of the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, we stated that he partially but seriously turned his back on dialectical materialism — that's what we said. Under his influence, two persons wrote a book, the Shorter Dictionary of Philosophy. One of the authors is the Soviet Ambassador to China, P.F. Udin. The book was written under Stalin's influence, and it has a chapter on the question of unity, which rambles on about refuting the conception of unity of formal logic, but which completely fails to analyse clearly whether the conception of unity of formal logic and that of dialectical logic are the same or not. Then, he quotes Engels to say that there is no such thing as unity, because everything in reality only exists in motion, and that there is no such thing as the unity of the objective world. Then he brings up some metaphysics, saying that there cannot be unity between mutually contradictory opposites, such as the bourgeoisie and the proletariat, these two social classes, which supposedly have no unity, but only struggle. War and peace, life and death — these things are said to have no unity. After Stalin died, Soviet philosophers and the Council Union began to change on this question. I haven't read many of their publications, but I can tell that they have changed. Stalin had a rather metaphysical conception of philosophy. Metaphysics means that things don't change, that war is war, the bourgeoisie is the bourgeoisie, the proletariat is the proletariat, period. Our theory is different. We think that the bourgeoisie turns into the proletariat — the oppressed proletariat transforms into the ruling proletariat; war turns into peace, and peace turns into war; life turns into death, and death turns into life. In the middle of discussing unity, after quoting Engels (what Engels said wasn't metaphysical), the book brings up a piece of metaphysics, saying that the two aspects of a contradiction cannot have unity. But Stalin said, in his Economic Problems of Socialism in the Council Union, that there is a contradiction between the productive forces and the relations of production in socialist society, and that this contradiction can turn antagonistic if not handled well. Stalin said it well, but not perfectly. I say his dialectics is bashful, coy, and hesitant dialectics. Now, when we look at this question, we should recognize the existence of contradictions in socialist society; the fundamental contradiction is the contradiction between the relations of production and the productive forces. The ideological superstructure (politics, law, religion, philosophy, and so on) should serve the socialist economic basis; it should correspond to the socialist economic basis. If these two aspects do not correspond to one another, then antagonism will emerge.
«Let a hundred flowers blossom, let a hundred schools of thought contend» and «long-term coexistence and mutual supervision» — how did these slogans come to be put forward? They were put forward in the light of China's specific conditions, in recognition of the continued existence of various kinds of contradictions in socialist society, and in response to the country's urgent need to speed up its economic and cultural development. Letting a hundred flowers blossom and a hundred schools of thought contend is the policy for promoting progress in the arts and sciences and a flourishing Socialist culture in our country. Different forms and styles in art should develop freely and different schools in science should contend freely. We think that it is harmful to the growth of art and science if administrative measures are used to impose one particular style of art or school of thought and to ban another. Questions of right and wrong in the arts and sciences should be settled through free discussion in artistic and scientific circles and through practical work in these fields. They should not be settled in a simplified manner. A period of trial is often needed to determine whether something is right or wrong.
One of the hundred schools of thought contending is idealism, and among the hundred flowers blossoming, it is possible that, although Hu Feng is in prison, his spirit still lives on in the outside world, writing books like those he did in the past. Our problem with Hu Feng was not that he was wrong, but that he was destructive. What was Hu Feng all about? He organized an underground clique; that's not good. So long as the Hu Feng elements don't run underground cliques, they can cultivate their little flowers. China is more than 9'000'000 square kilometres big, so don't we have enough room for such little flowers? If they cultivate their little flowers, then everyone can see them and criticize them, saying: «I don't like your flowers.»
Throughout history, at the outset, new and correct things often failed to win recognition from the majority of people and had to develop by twists and turns through struggle. Often, correct and good things were first regarded not as fragrant flowers, but as poisonous weeds. Copernicus's theory of the Solar System, Galileo's physics, and Darwin's theory of evolution were once dismissed as erroneous and had to win out over bitter opposition. Chinese history offers many similar examples. The Nationalist Party, the Chinese Revolutionary League, and Sun Yixian were all considered poisonous weeds by the Qing government. The Communist Party was called a bandit party in the Nationalist days. Our meeting here today is the result of a «poisonous weed» blossoming into a fragrant flower. But in Taiwan, they still call us poisonous weeds and Communist bandits. Confucius, that venerable old master, used to not be recognized. In his lifetime, he never got what he wanted, and people didn't take up Confucianism before he was long dead. Jesus wasn't recognized by society at first either. What about Buddhism? Sakyamuni went through this process, suffering oppression and a lack of social recognition. When Christianity was reformed into Protestantism, Martin Luther was not socially accepted at first. Why was Sun Wukong given the title Master of the Imperial Stables? Because he wasn't accepted. He regarded himself as the Great Sage of Heaven. The Jade Emperor made him Master of the Imperial Stables, which was akin to calling him a poisonous weed. Xue Rengui served as a cook in the army before he became a general. I recently read a scientific pamphlet on the history of sleeping pills. You know who invented sleeping pills? A pharmacy clerk in Germany. The Germans didn't recognize the stuff, but the French did; they invited him to France, where he was recognized. There was a Chinese, Li Liejun, who was a member of the Central Executive Committee of the Nationalist Party; he is dead now. The first time he went from China to Marseilles and took the train to Paris, he took a sleeping pill. He said that this stuff was indeed good, because it helped people to sleep. There was an American dancer called Isadora Duncan. She had children, but the birth of her first child was very painful, so for the birth of the second child, she took a sleeping pill. What I am saying is that all inventions in the world, be they political, scientific, literary, or artistic, have to fight for recognition at first. Even Sima Qian's Historical Records were not accepted by people at first! He could only «hide them in a famous mountain to pass them on to other people»; he couldn't publish them. At that time, there were no publishing houses, people hand-copied books, but transporting so many scrolls was difficult. In sum, newborn forces have to fight hard to be recognized by society.
In a socialist society, the conditions for the growth of the new are radically different from and far superior to those in the old society. Nevertheless, it often happens that new, rising forces are held back and sound ideas stifled. Besides, even in the absence of their deliberate suppression, the growth of new things may be hindered simply through lack of discernment. But one shouldn't be discouraged by being called a poisonous weed. Stalin used to be considered a 100% fragrant flower, but then Hrusev turned him into a poisonous weed at one stroke; now, Stalin is a fragrant flower again. It is therefore necessary to be careful about questions of right and wrong in the arts and sciences, to encourage free discussion, and to avoid hasty conclusions. We believe that such an attitude will help ensure a relatively smooth development of the arts and sciences.
Recently, there has been some criticism. I'm talking about inside the Communist Party; inside the Communist Party, there is also a Right wing and a Left wing. One cadre in the Propaganda Department of the Central Committee, Zhong Dianfei, wrote some articles under a pseudonym, saying that our past work was a complete mess; he negated everything. Now, these articles have drawn criticism and sparked a debate. But in Taiwan, they really appreciate these articles. Moreover, some Left-wingers, namely, the head of the Cultural Department of the Political Department of the Military Commission, Chen Yi, and his subordinates, Chen Qitong, Ma Hanbing, and a few other comrades, published a declaration in the People's Daily on the 7th of January, 1957, which they all signed. The intention is to cast doubt on the policy of letting a hundred flowers blossom and a hundred schools of thought contend. It maintains that, ever since this policy was introduced, no significant works have been produced. This conclusion is a bit premature, because Comrade Lu Dingyi's article was written in June and published in July 1956. August, September, October, November, December — when did these four comrades publish their article? It was the 7th of January. In only five months, how could an article of several tens of thousands of words be finished? They say that there have been produced no significant works since the policy of letting a hundred flowers blossom and a hundred schools of thought contend was put forward, that we no longer produce Marxist works, no longer use socialist realism, that there are only bad things. Now, it has been a while since the policy was introduced, but the attitude of the People's Daily remains unclear to me. At the conference of secretaries of provincial, municipal, and autonomous region Party committees in late January, I had this four-person declaration copied and distributed to everyone. There were comrades from the People's Daily there at the time. What did they say? They expressed no attitude. Now, a month has passed, more or less. What should be done? Did you publish that article to approve or oppose it? Is there anyone from the People's Daily here today? Sooner or later, you're going to have to deal with this matter! Or you should talk it over, if you cannot make up your minds; find some leading comrades from the Party's Central Committee and discuss it with them! See how to handle the situation. I will now express my attitude: I do not approve of that article. That article is wrong. But there are many different things in this world, and different people like different things. Taiwan likes Zhong Dianfei's articles. Socialist countries like Chen Qitong's and Ma Hanbing's article. Pravda [Truth] published it, but did not publish Lu Dingyi's article, Let a Hundred Flowers Blossom, Let a Hundred Schools of Thought Contend. They preferred the article by the other four comrades. Moreover, it was also published in Czechoslovakia and Romania — it won quite a market. [Someone says: «It was published in the Literaturnaja Gazeta [Literary News], not the Truth.»] It was the Literary News, not Truth? That's a bit better. [Laughter.] «Birds of a feather flock together, people split into likeminded groups.» Different people like different things, like two of a kind. Dogmatists like dogmatism, opportunists like opportunism. I'm afraid I must make a criticism now. There's a young writer, Wang Meng. He's not called Wang Ming, but they're probably brothers. [Laughter.] He wrote a piece entitled, Newcomer to the Organizational Department, which kicked up quite a fuss. Some people approved of it, other people opposed it. Later, it was believed that this newcomer was also a Communist Party member, that the story was about the Communist Party, attacking the Communist Party, and the critics said that Wang Meng did not have a single good point. Among these critics was Ma Hanbing. Other people criticized this, saying that Beijing is the site of the Party's Central Committee, so how can there be bureaucracy in a district Party committee in Beijing? Thus, the background of Wang Meng's model was badly chosen. Perhaps it would have been better to choose Shanghai for the story. Beijing won't do. Zhongnanhai won't do, because it is the site of the Party's Central Committee. I could never figure out where this criticism came from. I haven't studied much Marxism, but I have never found this view in any Marxist work. [Laughter.] So the site of the Party's Central Committee doesn't produce any bureaucracy? Even the Central Committee itself produces bureaucracy, so why can't Beijing produce it, too? What kind of people has the Central Committee produced? People like Chen Duxiu, Zhang Guotao, Gao Gang, Rao Shushi, Li Lisan, and Wang Ming — so many bureaucrats! So this view that the Party's Central Committee doesn't produce bureaucracy is wrong.
Marxism, too, has developed through struggle. At the beginning, Marxism was subjected to all kinds of attack and regarded as a poisonous weed. This is still the case in many parts of the world. In the socialist countries, it enjoys a different position. But non-Marxist and, what is more, anti-Marxist ideologies exist even in these countries. In China, although socialist transformation has in the main been completed as regards the system of ownership, and although the large-scale, turbulent class struggles of the masses characteristic of times of revolution have in the main come to an end, there are still remnants of the overthrown landlord and comprador classes, there is still a bourgeoisie, and the remoulding of the small bourgeoisie has only just started. Class struggle is by no means over. The class struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, the class struggle between the various political forces, and the class struggle between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie in the ideological field will still be protracted and tortuous and at times even very sharp. The proletariat seeks to transform the world according to its own worldview, and so does the bourgeoisie. In this respect, the question of which will win out, socialism or capitalism, is not really settled yet. Marxists remain a minority among the entire population as well as among the intellectuals. Therefore, Marxism must continue to develop through struggle. Marxism can develop only through struggle, and this is not only true of the past and the present, it is necessarily true of the future as well. What is correct invariably develops in the course of struggle with what is wrong. The true, the good, and the beautiful always exist by contrast with the false, the evil, and the ugly, and grow in struggle with them. As soon as something erroneous is rejected and a particular truth accepted by humanity, new truths begin to struggle with new errors. Such struggles will never end. This is the law of development of truth and, naturally, of Marxism.
It will take a fairly long period of time to decide the issue in the ideological struggle between socialism and capitalism in our country. The reason is that the influence of the bourgeoisie and of the intellectuals who come from the old society, the very influence which constitutes their class ideology, will persist in our country for a long time. If this is not understood at all or is insufficiently understood, the gravest of mistakes will be made and the necessity of waging struggle in the ideological field will be ignored. Ideological struggle differs from other forms of struggle, since the only method used is painstaking reasoning, and not crude coercion. Today, socialism is in an advantageous position in the ideological struggle. The fundamental power of the State is in the hands of the working people led by the proletariat. The Communist Party is strong and its prestige high. Although there are defects and mistakes in our work, every fair-minded person can see that we are loyal to the people, that we are both determined and able to build up our homeland together with them, and that we have already achieved great successes and will achieve still greater ones. The vast majority of the bourgeoisie and the intellectuals who come from the old society are patriotic and are willing to serve their flourishing socialist homeland; they know they will have nothing to fall back on and their future cannot possibly be bright if they turn away from the socialist cause and from the working people led by the Communist Party.
People may ask, since Marxism is accepted as the guiding ideology by the majority of the people in our country, can it be criticized? Certainly it can. Marxism is scientific truth and fears no criticism. If it did, and if it could be overthrown by criticism, it would be worthless. In fact, aren't the idealists criticizing Marxism every day and in every way? And those who harbour bourgeois and small-bourgeois ideas and do not wish to change — aren't they also criticizing Marxism in every way? Marxists should not be afraid of criticism from any quarter. Quite the contrary, they need to temper and develop themselves and win new positions in the teeth of criticism and in the storm and stress of struggle. Fighting against wrong ideas is like being vaccinated — a person develops greater immunity from disease as a result of vaccination. Plants raised in hothouses are unlikely to be hardy. Carrying out the policy of letting a hundred flowers blossom and a hundred schools of thought contend will not weaken, but strengthen, the leading position of Marxism in the ideological field.
What should our policy be toward non-Marxist ideas? As far as unmistakable counter-revolutionaries and saboteurs of the socialist cause are concerned, the matter is easy, we simply deprive them of their freedom of speech. But incorrect ideas among the people are quite a different matter. Will it do to ban such ideas and deny them any opportunity for expression? Certainly not. It is not only futile, but very harmful, to use crude methods in dealing with ideological questions among the people, with questions about humanity's mental world. You may ban the expression of wrong ideas, but the ideas will still be there. On the other hand, if correct ideas are pampered in hothouses and never exposed to the elements and immunized against disease, they will not win out against erroneous ones. Therefore, it is only by employing the method of discussion, criticism, and reasoning that we can really foster correct ideas and overcome wrong ones, and that we can really settle issues.
It is inevitable that the bourgeoisie and small bourgeoisie will give expression to their own ideologies. It is inevitable that they will stubbornly assert themselves on political and ideological questions by every possible means. You cannot expect them to do otherwise. We should not use the method of suppression and prevent them from expressing themselves, but should allow them to do so, and at the same time argue with them and direct appropriate criticism at them. Undoubtedly, we must criticize wrong ideas of every description. It certainly would not be right to refrain from criticism, look on while wrong ideas spread unchecked, and allow them to dominate the field. Mistakes must be criticized and poisonous weeds fought wherever they crop up. However, such criticism should not be dogmatic, and the metaphysical method should not be used, but instead, the effort should be made to apply the dialectical method. What is needed is scientific analysis and convincing argument. Dogmatic criticism settles nothing. We are against poisonous weeds of whatever kind, but we must carefully distinguish between what is really a poisonous weed and what is really a fragrant flower. Together with the masses of the people, we must learn to differentiate carefully between the two and use correct methods to fight the poisonous weeds. We must especially learn to fight poisonous weeds that look like fragrant flowers. Things that look Marxist are not necessarily Marxist. Take Stalin, for example. He was 70% Marxist and 30% non-Marxist. We shouldn't mistake his 30% non-Marxism for his 70% Marxism.
At the same time as we criticize dogmatism, we must direct our attention to criticizing revisionism. Revisionism, or Right-wing opportunism, is a bourgeois trend of thought that is even more dangerous than dogmatism. The revisionists, the Right-wing opportunists, pay lip-service to Marxism; they, too, attack «dogmatism». But what they are really attacking is the quintessence of Marxism. They oppose or distort materialism and dialectics, oppose or try to weaken the people's democratic dictatorship and the leading role of the Communist Party, and oppose or try to weaken socialist transformation and socialist construction. Even after the fundamental victory of our socialist revolution, there will still be a number of people in our society who vainly hope to restore the capitalist system and are sure to fight the working class on every front, including the ideological one. And their best allies in this struggle are the revisionists.
Can high-ranking cadres be criticized? Ever since Marx, it has never been said that one should distinguish between low-ranking and high-ranking cadres, or that one should only criticize low-ranking cadres, but not high-ranking cadres. Our Constitution stipulates that people are equal before the law, so when it comes to committing mistakes or having wrong views, Communist Party members and non-Party people are equal. There is a group of people — for example, high-ranking cadres in the Communist Party and the democratic political parties — who think that, just because they have a high rank, they're free from criticism. Is that permissible? I don't think so. If you don't allow people to criticize you when you're alive, people will criticize you after you're dead. We criticize the dead, such as Confucius. Down with Confucianism! Even someone who has been dead for thousands of years, we still criticize! After he died, Stalin was also criticized! Living people can be criticized, and so can dead people. There should be no distinction between the high-ranking and the low-ranking or between the old and the youth. Isn't it true that the older you get, the more comfortable and afraid of criticism you become? Should some people get to eat just because of their seniority? All right, we recognize that you have seniority. You're old, and you haven't died yet, so you must be good for something. You can still play a minor role, wave a flag around, cheer, applaud, and lend a hand. I think even Mei Lanfang has played minor roles, cooperating with other people on the stage. Is Mei Lanfang here today? I think that, even at the age of 80, you can still play a role, at least partially. I myself only have a minor role; I don't have a major role where I stand on the stage and sing. That's for people like Premier Zhou. [Laughter.] All of you should be singing, not me. [Laughter.] If you sing for too long at a time, people will boo you off the stage. [Laughter.] Moreover, no matter how old you get, you still have to do your work well and be correct. If you live to the age of 99 without ever making a mistake, but you make a mistake on your 100th birthday, you will still be criticized, it won't be accepted. What good deeds did Rakosi do in the past? I don't know. If Rakosi never did something wrong, but then did something evil at the end of his life, he couldn't escape criticism just because he was old. New cadres naturally are the same, too. If they're wrong, they must be criticized. Lenin said God would forgive young people for making mistakes, but we should be strict toward old people. With old cadres, it's like that, and with young people, we should be strict, too, but we should give them patient help and long-term education.
Literally, the two slogans — let a hundred flowers blossom and let a hundred schools of thought contend — have no class character; the proletariat can turn them to account, and so can the bourgeoisie or others. Different classes, strata, and social groups each have their own views on what are fragrant flowers and what are poisonous weeds. Then, from the standpoint of the masses, what should be the criteria today for distinguishing fragrant flowers from poisonous weeds? In their political activities, how should our people judge whether a person's words and deeds are right or wrong? On the basis of the principles of our Constitution, the will of the overwhelming majority of our people, and the common political positions which have been proclaimed on various occasions by our political parties, we consider that, broadly speaking, the criteria should be as follows:
- Words and deeds should help to unite, and not divide, the people of all our nationalities.
- They should be beneficial, and not harmful, to socialist transformation and socialist construction.
- They should help to consolidate, and not undermine or weaken, the people's democratic dictatorship.
- They should help to consolidate, and not undermine or weaken, democratic centralism.
- They should help to strengthen, and not shake off or weaken, the leadership of the Communist Party.
- They should be beneficial, and not harmful, to international socialist unity and the unity of the peace-loving people of the world.
Of these six criteria, the most important are the two about the socialist road and the leadership of the Party. These criteria are put forward, not to hinder, but to foster, the free discussion of questions among the people. Those who disapprove these criteria can still state their own views and argue their case. However, so long as the majority of the people have clear-cut criteria to go by, criticism and self-criticism can be conducted along proper lines, and these criteria can be applied to people's words and deeds to determine whether they are right or wrong, whether they are fragrant flowers or poisonous weeds. These are political criteria. Naturally, to judge the validity of scientific theories or assess the aesthetic value of works of art, other relevant criteria are needed. But these six political criteria are applicable to all activities in the arts and sciences. In a socialist country like ours, can there possibly be any useful scientific or artistic activity which runs counter to these political criteria?
The views set out above are based on China's specific historical conditions. Conditions vary in different socialist countries and with different Communist Parties. Therefore, we do not maintain that they should or must adopt the Chinese way.
The slogan «long-term coexistence and mutual supervision» is also a product of China's specific historical conditions. It was not put forward all of a sudden, but had been in the making for several years. The idea of long-term coexistence had been there for a long time. When the socialist system was in the main established last year, the slogan was formulated in explicit terms. Why should the bourgeois and small-bourgeois democratic political parties be allowed to exist side by side with the party of the working class over a long period of time? Because we have no reason for not adopting the policy of long-term coexistence with all those political parties which are truly devoted to the task of uniting the people for the cause of socialism and which enjoy the trust of the people. As early as June 1950, at the Second Session of the First National Committee of the Political Consultative Conference, I put the matter in this way:
The people and their government have no reason to reject anyone or deny them the opportunity of making a living and rendering service to the country, provided they are really willing to serve the people and provided they really helped and did a good turn when the people were faced with difficulties and keep on doing good without giving up halfway.2
What I was discussing here was the political basis for the long-term coexistence of the various political parties. It is the desire as well as the policy of the Communist Party to exist side by side with the democratic political parties for a long time to come. But whether the democratic political parties can long remain in existence depends, not merely on the desire of the Communist Party, but on how well they acquit themselves and on whether they enjoy the trust of the people. Mutual supervision among the various political parties is also a long-established fact, in the sense that they have long been advising and criticizing each other. Mutual supervision is obviously not a one-sided matter; it means that the Communist Party can exercise supervision over the democratic political parties, and the other way around. Why should the democratic political parties be allowed to exercise supervision over the Communist Party? Because a political party, as much as an individual, has great need to hear opinions different from its own. We all know that supervision over the Communist Party is mainly exercised by the working people and the Party membership. But it augments the benefit to us to have supervision by the democratic political parties, too. Of course, the advice and criticism exchanged by the Communist Party and the democratic political parties will play a positive supervisory role only when they conform to the six political criteria given above. Thus, we hope that, in order to fit in with the needs of the new society, all the democratic political parties will pay attention to ideological remoulding and strive for long-term coexistence with the Communist Party and mutual supervision.
#9. ON THE QUESTION OF DISTURBANCES CREATED BY SMALL NUMBERS OF PEOPLE
In 1956, small numbers of workers or students in certain places went on strike. According to a document provided by the Central Committee of the Youth League, among universities and middle schools in 28 cities, there were reportedly over 8'000 students involved in disturbances in 29 schools. The immediate cause of these disturbances was the failure to satisfy some of their demands for material benefits, of which some should and could have been met, while others were out of place or excessive and therefore could not be met for the time being. But a more important cause was bureaucracy on the part of the leadership. In some cases, the responsibility for such bureaucratic mistakes fell on the higher authorities, and those at the lower levels were not to blame. Another cause of these disturbances was lack of ideological and political education among the workers and students. According to partial statistics provided in a report by the National Federation of Trade Unions, there were some 50 strikes last year; among these, there were strikes by a few people, some by scores of people, and the biggest had more than 1'000 strikers. The same year, in some agricultural cooperatives, there were also disturbances created by a few of their members, and here, too, the main causes were bureaucracy on the part of the leadership and lack of educational work among the masses. We cannot blame these disturbances on the Hungarian Incident or any other foreign disturbance.
It should be admitted that, among the masses, some are prone to pay attention to immediate, partial, and personal interests and do not understand, or do not sufficiently understand, long-range, national, and collective interests. Because of lack of political and social experience, quite a number of young people cannot readily see the contrast between Old China and New China, and it is not easy for them thoroughly to comprehend the hardships our people went through in the struggle to free themselves from the oppression of the imperialists and Nationalist reactionaries, or the long years of hard work needed before a great socialist society can be established. That is why we must constantly carry on lively and effective political education among the masses and should always tell them the truth about the difficulties that crop up and discuss with them how to surmount these difficulties.
We do not approve of disturbances, because contradictions among the people can be resolved through the method of «Unity-Criticism-Unity», while disturbances are bound to cause some losses and are not conducive to the advance of socialism. We believe that the masses of the people support socialism, conscientiously observe discipline, and are reasonable, and will certainly not take part in disturbances without cause. But this does not mean that the possibility of disturbances by the masses no longer exists in our country. On this question, we should pay attention to the following:
- In order to root out the causes of disturbances, we must resolutely overcome bureaucracy, greatly improve ideological and political education, and deal with all contradictions properly. If this is done, generally speaking, there will be no disturbances.
- When disturbances do occur as a result of poor work on our part, then we should guide those involved onto the correct path, use the disturbances as a special means for improving our work and educating the cadres and the masses, and find solutions to those problems which were previously left unsolved.
- In handling any disturbance, we should take pains and not use simplified methods, or hastily declare the matter closed. If there are two or three days of riots, and the agitators aren't yet satisfied, but the authorities want to put an end to it, this produces a contradiction. How should it be resolved? I say let them agitate to their hearts' content. Mr. Shi Fuliang created disturbances in Zhejiang; I, too, created disturbances at school when problems couldn't be resolved!
- The ringleaders in disturbances should not be summarily expelled, except for those who have committed criminal offences or are active counter-revolutionaries and have to be punished by law. In a large country like ours, there is nothing to get alarmed about if small numbers of people create disturbances; on the contrary, such disturbances will help us get rid of bureaucracy.
There are also a small number of individuals in our society who, flouting the public interest, wilfully break the law and commit crimes. They are apt to take advantage of our policies and distort them, and deliberately put forward unreasonable demands in order to incite the masses, or deliberately spread rumours to create trouble and disrupt public order. We do not propose to let these individuals have their way. On the contrary, proper legal action must be taken against them. Punishing them is the demand of the masses, and it would run counter to the popular will if they were not punished.
Our working personnel in schools, factories, cooperatives, and government offices come from very many different places, and many of them have a low educational level. Even those people with a high educational level, such as intellectuals, cannot avoid making mistakes. In fact, sometimes, the intellectuals make more mistakes than those with a low educational level. For example, in our Party's history, many intellectuals committed both Right-wing and «Left-wing» errors, such as Chen Duxiu, Li Lisan, Wang Ming, Zhang Guotao, and Rao Shushi, who were all intellectuals.
#10. CAN BAD THINGS BE TURNED INTO GOOD THINGS?
In our society, as I have said, disturbances by the masses are bad, and we do not approve of them. But when disturbances do occur, they enable us to learn lessons, to overcome bureaucracy, and to educate the cadres and the masses. In this sense, bad things can be turned into good things. Disturbances thus have a dual character. Every disturbance can be regarded in this way.
Everybody knows that the Hungarian Incident was not a good thing. But it, too, had a dual character. Because our Hungarian comrades took proper action in the course of the incident, what was a bad thing has eventually turned into a good one. Hungary is now more consolidated than ever, and all other countries in the socialist camp have also learned a lesson.
Similarly, the worldwide campaign against Communism and the people which took place in the latter half of 1956 was of course a bad thing. But it served to educate and temper the Communist Parties and the working class in all countries, and thus it has turned into a good thing. In the storm and stress of this period, a number of people in many countries withdrew from the Communist Party. The Communist Party of France has had to dissolve its newspaper. The Labour Party of Switzerland is doing particularly badly; their General Secretary is hiding in the mountains, hiding in our embassy, afraid to go outside and meet people. He thinks that if people see him, he'll get beaten up. Many Party members have left the Party. In the Netherlands and Belgium, a good many people have left the Party. In England, the more intellectual some people are, the more they want to leave the Party. There are two types of intellectuals — those with a high social status and those with a low social status. The higher their social status is, the more the intellectuals disapprove of the Communist Party. Even old Party members who have muddled along for several years or decades want to leave the Party, too. Withdrawal from the Party reduces its membership and is, of course, a bad thing. But there is a good side to it, too. Vacillating elements who are unwilling to carry on have withdrawn, and the vast majority who are staunch Party members can be the better united for struggle. Why isn't this a good thing?
Our China has this «excellency», Hu Shi, who is writing lots of articles at present. We've proposed letting a hundred flowers blossom and a hundred schools of thought contend. He says that he's already advocated this policy for a long time! [Laughter.]
How should we view the criticism of Stalin? We humans are like commodities — we have two aspects. The criticism of Stalin has two aspects to its character. One aspect is beneficial, the other is not. To expose the cult of Stalin's individual, to tear off the lid, to liberate people — this is all liberatory and good. On the other hand, Hrusev's method of criticizing Stalin is incorrect. He hasn't made an analysis, he's just clubbing Stalin to death. On the one hand, this provoked the worldwide Anti-Communist campaign in the latter half of last year; on the other hand, it also provoked the Hungarian and Polish incidents. But Stalin had an incorrect aspect, as we have discussed since the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Council Union. What have we told the Soviet comrades? We told them that the question of Stalin is not being handled appropriately, and we told them that they are great-nation chauvinists.
To sum up, we must learn to look at problems from all sides, seeing the reverse as well as the obverse side of things. In given conditions, a bad thing can lead to good results and a good thing to bad results. More than 2'000 years ago, Laozi said: «Good fortune lies within bad, bad fortune lies within good.»5 When the Japanese shot their way into China and occupied the Philippines, Indonesia, and South-East Asia, they called this a victory. Huge parts of China's territory were seized, and the Chinese called this a defeat. But victory was conceived in China's defeat, while defeat was conceived in Japan's victory. Hasn't history proved this true? When Hitler's armies approached Leningrad, Moscow, and Stalingrad, he had occupied all of Europe and was on the cusp of victory. But within this victory, there was defeat, and occupied Europe and the majority of the Council Union contained within them the inevitability of victory.
People all over the world are now discussing whether or not a Third World War will break out. On this question, too, we must be mentally prepared and do some analysis. We stand firmly for peace and against war. But if the imperialists insist on unleashing another war, we should not be afraid of it. Our attitude on this question is the same as our attitude toward any disturbance: first, we are against it; second, we are not afraid of it. When I spoke with Nehru and with the Pakistani Prime Minister, I discussed this question with them. Some people think that if there is a Third World War, the entire human race will be wiped out. I don't accept this argument. The First World War was followed by the birth of the Council Union with a population of 200'000'000. The Second World War was followed by the emergence of the socialist camp with a combined population of 900'000'000. If the imperialists insist on launching a Third World War, it is certain that several hundred million more will turn to socialism, and then there will not be much room left on Earth for the imperialists; it is also likely that the whole structure of imperialism will completely collapse. War has two aspects — one aspect is destructive, the other is constructive. War stimulates people's activity, awakens their consciousness, and causes revolution to break out. How will we fight the Third World War? Will it be the same as when Japan occupied China? Will Beijing, Zhengzhou, Wuhan, and Guangzhou all be occupied again? Everyone will cry about this and call us worse than Jiang Jieshi. But we shall win in the end. It doesn't matter how many atomic bombs the enemy has, because we have millet plus rifles, and the enemy is reactionary and backward. This determines the final outcome of the fighting. The enemy has an advanced economy and culture, but their politics are backward, and they go against the will of the people. There are two invincible countries in the world: one is the Council Union, the other is China. The Council Union is adjacent to the Arctic Ocean, and we are adjacent to the Kunlun Mountains. [Laughter.] We are indestructible. So if a Third World War is to be fought, I think it, too, will have a dual nature. I met with some Japanese guests who apologized very much for attacking us. I told them that they did a very good thing. This confused them very much. I said that if they had not attacked us and occupied so much territory, then the Chinese people wouldn't have been educated. The Japanese were our teachers, motivating all the Chinese people to oppose them, which was a great contribution. Thus, in international affairs, everything influences and permeates everything else. If you take two clay figures, smash them to pieces, mix them into water, and remould them into two new figures, then one of them will become part of the other, and the other way around. The world is like this, too. There is something of the socialist camp inside the capitalist camp, and something of the capitalist camp inside the socialist camp. There are places like Hungary, where some people listen to the Voice of America and Western European radio stations. There are people like this in China, too, who are influenced by the capitalists. There are also spies who spend all day awaiting the arrival of the enemy. Landlords hold onto business documents and rental agreements. Nationalists retain their party membership cards, waiting for the day when Jiang Jieshi comes back, so they can say: «Look! I am a party member!» But in the end, we will be victorious, no matter how much these people try to infiltrate and subvert us, and no matter how much they hope for incidents of the Polish or Hungarian type to break out here.
What is the primary contradiction in the world today? It is the struggle between the imperialists and the colonies. Imperialism is fighting for colonies in Asia and Africa. This is the primary contradiction facing the US and European imperialists, including Britain and France. There are three forces in the world today: the first is socialism, the second, is the national independence movement, and the third is imperialism. These three forces are locked in battle with one another. We can cooperate with the second force, the national independence movement of Nasser and others, on various questions, such as peace and imperialism. The degree of cooperation is not always the same, but we can cooperate with them. There is no great benefit for the imperialists in going to war. The results of such a war would not be to their benefit. But if they don't go to war with the socialist camp, they may still fight among themselves over the loot, with the Americans battling the English over Asia and the French over Africa. I think they will adopt this method. In oil baron Rockefeller's letter to Eisenhower, he put forward this policy. It seems that he's a Chinese agent. His primary goal is not to attack us, but to punish England and France. According to Rockefeller, there are three types of country: one type is Soviet-leaning Pakistan; another type is neutral States, like India; yet another type is colonies with absolutely no independence, like Morocco and Algeria. Rockefeller's letter to Eisenhower was written in January 1956, and this year — who knows from where they obtained it — it was published in an East German newspaper. We have now published it, too, and it's very much worth a look.
In given conditions, each of the two opposing aspects of a contradiction invariably transforms itself into its opposite as a result of the struggle between them. Here, it is the conditions which are essential. Without the given conditions, neither of the two contradictory aspects can transform itself into its opposite. Of all the classes in the world, the proletariat is the one which is most eager to change its position, and next comes the semi-proletariat, for the former possesses nothing at all, while the latter is hardly any better off. The United States now controls a majority in the United Nations and dominates many parts of the world — this state of affairs is temporary and will be changed one of these days. China's position as a poor country denied its rights in international affairs will also be changed — the poor country will change into a rich one, the country denied its rights into one enjoying them — a transformation of things into their opposites. Here, the decisive conditions are the socialist system and the concerted efforts of a united people.
The Taiwan question remains. Taiwan must be returned to us. If Taiwan is not returned, then I don't care about any diplomatic recognition. England recognizes us, but we won't establish diplomatic relations with it, only semi-diplomatic relations, we won't send a formal representative, only a charge d'affaires, because England votes for Jiang Jieshi in the United Nations.
#11. ON PRACTISING ECONOMY
Here, I wish to speak briefly on practising economy. We want to carry on large-scale construction, but our country is still very poor — herein lies a contradiction. One way of resolving it is to make a sustained effort to practise strict economy in every field.
During the Movement Against the «Three Evils» in 1952, we fought against corruption, waste, and bureaucracy, with the emphasis on combating corruption. In 1955, we advocated the practice of economy with great success, our emphasis then being on combating the unduly high standards for non-productive projects in capital construction and economizing on raw materials in industrial production. Thus, we managed to save more than RMB 2'000'000'000, which is a lot of money. But at that time, economy was not yet applied in earnest as a guiding principle in all branches of the national economy, or in government offices, army units, schools, and people's organizations in general. This year, we are calling for economy and the elimination of waste in every sphere throughout the country. For example, we are no longer purchasing tables, chairs, and benches — nobody wants carpets anymore. I've got some carpets for sale, does anyone want them? Unfortunately, since you're no longer allowed to buy them, I can't sell them to you. I've got way too many carpets — it's actually scandalous. [Laughter.] We still lack experience in the work of construction. During the last few years, great successes have been achieved, but there has also been waste. We must build up a number of large-scale modern enterprises step by step to form the mainstay of our industry, without which we shall not be able to turn China into a powerful modern industrial country within the coming decades. But the majority of our enterprises should not be built on such a scale; we should set up more small and middle enterprises and make full use of the industrial basis inherited from the old society, so as to effect the greatest economy and do more with less money. Good results have begun to appear in the few months since the principle of practising strict economy and combating waste was put forward, in more emphatic terms than before, by the Second Plenary Session of the Eighth Central Committee of the Communist Party of China in November 1956. The present movement for economy must be conducted in a thorough and sustained way. Like the criticism of any other fault or mistake, the fight against waste may be compared to washing one's face. Don't people wash their faces every day? The Communist Party of China, the democratic political parties, the democrats with no party affiliation, the intellectuals, industrialists and businesspeople, workers, peasants and handicraftspeople — in short, all our 600'000'000 people — must strive for increased production and economy, and against extravagance and waste. This is of prime importance, not only economically, but politically as well. A dangerous tendency has shown itself of late among many of our personnel — an unwillingness to share weal and woe with the masses, a concern for personal fame and gain. This is very bad. One way of overcoming it is to streamline our organizations in the course of our campaign to increase production and practise economy, and to transfer cadres to lower levels, so that a considerable number will return to productive work. We must see to it that all our cadres and all our people constantly bear in mind that ours is a large socialist country, but an economically backward and poor one, and that this is a very big contradiction. To make China prosperous and strong needs several decades of hard struggle, which means, among other things, pursuing the policy of building up our country through diligence and thrift, that is, practising strict economy and fighting waste.
#12. THE CHINESE AND THE SOVIET ROADS TO INDUSTRIALIZATION
In discussing our road to industrialization, we are here concerned mainly with the relationship between the growth of heavy industry, light industry, and agriculture. It must be affirmed that heavy industry is the core of China's economic construction. At the same time, full attention must be paid to the development of agriculture and light industry.
I have already discussed the question of the Chinese and the Soviet roads to industrialization in On the Ten Major Relationships. We should substantially adjust the ratio of investment in heavy industry, light industry, and agriculture in comparison with the past. The Council Union's ratio of investment is 9:1, 90% to 10% — that is to say, they invest 90% in heavy industry and 10% in light industry and agriculture. The result is that too much is skimmed off from agriculture, although, of course, this money is used for construction and not simply pocketed. This creates a problem. The peasants are not being mobilized, and so the market does not flourish. Where is the market for heavy industry? The market for heavy industry is light industry and agriculture. The market is these hundreds of millions of people, such as our 500'000'000 peasants. As China is a large agricultural country, with over 80% of its population in the rural areas, agriculture must develop along with industry, for only thus can industry secure raw materials and a market, and only thus is it possible to accumulate more funds for building a powerful heavy industry. During our First Five-Year Plan, our ratio of investment was 8:1 at first, then 7:1, which is better than in the Council Union. We should reconsider this ratio for the Second Five-Year Plan. Everyone knows that light industry is closely tied up with agriculture. Without agriculture, there can be no light industry. But it is not yet so clearly understood that agriculture provides heavy industry with an important market. This fact, however, will be more readily appreciated as gradual progress in the technical transformation and modernization of agriculture calls for more and more machinery, fertilizer, water-conservancy and electric-power projects, and transport facilities for the farms, as well as fuel and building materials for the rural consumers. During the period of the Second and Third Five-Year Plans, the entire national economy will benefit if we can achieve an even greater growth in our agriculture and thus induce a correspondingly greater development of light industry. As agriculture and light industry develop, heavy industry, assured of its market and funds, will grow faster. Hence what may seem to be a slower pace of industrialization will actually not be so slow, and indeed may even be faster. In three five-year plans or perhaps a little longer, China's annual steel output can be raised to 20'000'000 tons or more, as compared with the peak pre-Liberation output of something over 900'000 tons in 1943. This will gladden the people in both city and countryside. That this is feasible can be proved by looking at the Council Union. Their pre-November Revolution steel output was 4'000'000 tons in 1913, at the time before the First World War. We won't count 1917-20, the years of revolution and civil war. Counting from 1921 until the Second World War (1941), in 21 1/2 years, 14'000'000 tons of steel were added to the yearly output of 4'000'000 tons, making the yearly output 18'000'000 tons. In 21 years, I'm sure our steel production can develop from 900'000 tons to over 18'000'000 tons a year, perhaps over 20'000'000 tons.
I do not propose to dwell on economic questions today. With barely seven years of economic construction behind us, we still lack experience and need to accumulate it. Neither had we any experience in revolution when we first started, and it was only after we had taken a number of tumbles and acquired experience that we won nationwide victory. What we must now demand of ourselves is to gain experience in economic construction in a shorter period of time than it took us to gain experience in revolution, and not to pay as high a price for it. Some price we will have to pay, but we hope it will not be as high as that paid during the period of revolution. We must realize that there is a contradiction here — the contradiction between the objective laws of economic development of a socialist society and our subjective cognition of them — which needs to be resolved in the course of practice. This contradiction also manifests itself as a contradiction between different people, that is, a contradiction between those in whom the reflection of these objective laws is relatively accurate and those in whom the reflection is relatively inaccurate; this, too, is a contradiction among the people. Every contradiction is an objective reality, and it is our task to reflect it and resolve it in as nearly correct a fashion as we can.
In order to turn China into an industrial country, we must learn conscientiously from the advanced experience of the Council Union. The Council Union has been building socialism for 40 years, and its experience is very valuable to us. Let us ask: Who designed and equipped so many important factories for us? Was it the United States? Or Britain? No, neither the one nor the other. Only the Council Union was willing to do so, because it is a socialist country and our ally. In addition to the Council Union, the fraternal countries in Eastern Europe have also given us some assistance. It is perfectly true that we should learn from the good experience of all countries, socialist or capitalist; about this, there is no argument. We shouldn't just learn Russian, but English, French, German, and Japanese, too. But the main thing is still to learn from the Council Union. Now, there are two different attitudes toward learning from others. One is the dogmatic attitude of transplanting everything, whether or not it is suited to our conditions. This is no good. The other attitude is to use our heads and learn those things which suit our conditions, that is, to absorb whatever experience is useful to us. That is the attitude we should adopt.
To strengthen our solidarity with the Council Union, to strengthen our solidarity with all the socialist countries — this is our fundamental policy, this is where our fundamental interests lie. Then there are the Asian and African countries and all the peace-loving countries and peoples — we must strengthen and develop our solidarity with them. United with these two forces, we shall not stand alone. As for the imperialist countries, we should unite with their people and strive to coexist peacefully with those countries, do business with them, and prevent a possible war, but under no circumstances should we harbour any unrealistic notions about them, because their conscience is dark. Does John Foster Dulles have much of a conscience? I don't think so. He spends every day cursing us, occupying Taiwan, refusing to leave, and never sends us any machines.
Comrades, I've talked for too long, from 15:00 to 19:00. I'll stop talking now.
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Source: Mao Zedong: On the People's Democratic Dictatorship (30th of June, 1949) ↩ ↩
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Source: Mao Zedong: Be a True Revolutionary (23rd of June, 1950) ↩ ↩
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Editor's Note: Shao Lizi (1881-1967) passed the imperial examination for the juren degree in 1903, graduated from Fudan University in 1907, and subsequently studied journalism in Japan. He was an early supporter of Sun Yixian and served as Nationalist governor of Shaanxi Province (1933-36) and Chinese Ambassador to the Council Union (1940-41). He joined the National People's Congress and the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference after 1949. He was the first prominent Chinese to publicly advocate birth control, shortly after the 1953 census. ↩
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Source: I.B. Stalin: Concerning the Errors of Comrade L.D. Jarosenko (22nd of May, 1952) ↩
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Source: Laozi ↩