12 Brief Theses on Hermann Greulich's Defence of Homeland Defence
#PUBLICATION NOTE
This edition of 12 Brief Theses on Hermann Greulich's Defence of Homeland Defence has been prepared and revised for digital publication by the Institute of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism under the Central Committee of the Communist Party in Switzerland on the basis of the edition published in the Collected Works of Lenin, Fourth English Edition, Volume 23, Progress Publishers, Moscow, 1964.
#INTRODUCTION NOTE
These theses were written by Comrade Lenin in Zurich, Switzerland between the 26th and 30th of January, 1917. They were first published in the Volksrecht, Nos. 26 and 27, on the 31st of January and 1st of February, 1917.
These theses were written in reply to a series of articles by Hermann Greulich, a Swiss social-chauvinist, On the Defence of the Homeland Issue, which appeared in the Volksrecht, 23rd to 26th of January, 1917 (Nos. 19-22).
Lenin's theses, signed «-e-», appeared in the same paper. Editor Ernst Nobs deleted several paragraphs and inserted the word «Comrade» before the name Greulich. Nobs deleted the following passages:
- In Section 9, from the third paragraph beginning with the words: «But, frankly, what kind of unity[...] », and up to the end of the section.
- In Section 11, the whole of the second paragraph from the words: «Very well! But that is [...]», and to the words: «[...] not Socialism».
- In Section 12, the concluding words of the fifth paragraph: «[...] and politely invite the social-patriots to move over to the Grütli Union.»
#Workers and oppressed people of the world, unite!
#12 BRIEF THESES ON HERMANN GREULICH'S DEFENCE OF HOMELAND DEFENCE
#Nikolaj Lenin
#26th to 30th of January, 1917
#★
#1
Greulich begins his first article with the statement that there are now «Socialists» (he probably means pseudo-Socialists) who «trust Junker and bourgeois governments».
That accusation of one trend in present-day Socialism, namely, social-patriotism, is, of course, correct. But what do all Greulich's four articles show if not that he too, blindly «trusts» the Swiss «bourgeois government»?? He even overlooks the fact that the Swiss «bourgeois government», because of the numerous ties of Swiss banking capital, is not merely a «bourgeois government», but an imperialist bourgeois government.
#2
In his first article, Greulich admits the existence of two main trends in the international Social-Democratic movement. He defines one (social-patriotism, of course) absolutely correctly by branding its supporters as agents of bourgeois governments.
But Greulich is strangely oblivious to the facts, first, that the Swiss social-patriots, too, are agents of the Swiss bourgeois government; second, that just as Switzerland in general cannot break out of the network of world-market ties, present-day, highly developed, and immensely rich bourgeois Switzerland cannot break out of the network of world-imperialist relationships; third, that it would be well worth while examining the arguments for and against defence of the homeland as presented throughout the international Social-Democratic movement, particularly in context with these world-imperialist, finance-capital relationships; that there is no reconciling these two main trends in the international Social-Democratic movement, and, consequently, the Swiss Party must choose which trend it wants to follow.
#3
In the second article, Greulich says: «Switzerland cannot wage an offensive war.»
Greulich strangely overlooks the irrefutable and obvious fact that in both possible eventualities — namely, if Switzerland joins Germany against England, or England against Germany — in either case Switzerland will be participating in an imperialist war, in a predatory war, in an offensive war.
Bourgeois Switzerland can under no circumstances either alter the nature of the present war or, in general, wage an anti-imperialist war.
Is it permissible for Greulich to depart from the «realm of facts» (see his fourth article) and discuss some hypothetical war instead of discussing the present one?
#4
Greulich states in his second article:
For Switzerland, neutrality and defence of the homeland are identical. Whoever rejects defence of the homeland endangers neutrality. One must appreciate that.
Two modest questions to Greulich.
First, shouldn't one appreciate the fact that faith in proclamations of neutrality and intentions to maintain it in the present war is tantamount, not only to blind faith in one's own «bourgeois government» and other «bourgeois governments», but is simply absurd?
Second, shouldn't one appreciate that, in reality, the position is as follows?
Whoever in this war accepts defence of the homeland becomes an accomplice of their «own» national bourgeoisie, which, in Switzerland, too, is a thoroughly imperialist bourgeoisie, since it is financially tied to the Great Powers and is involved in imperialist world politics.
Whoever in this war rejects defence of the homeland destroys the proletariat's faith in the bourgeoisie and helps the international proletariat wage its struggle against the bourgeoisie's domination.
#5
At the close of his second article, Greulich says:
Abolishing the Swiss militia would not yet mean eliminating war between the Great Powers.
Why does Greulich overlook the fact that the Social-Democrats conceive abolition of every army (and, consequently, militia) as taking place only after a victorious social revolution? That precisely now it is necessary to fight for social revolution in alliance with the internationalist revolutionary minorities in all the Great Powers?
From whom does Greulich expect elimination of «war between the Great Powers»? From the militia of a small bourgeois State with a 4'000'000 population?
We Social-Democrats expect elimination of «war between the Great Powers» to result from the revolutionary actions of the proletariat of all the powers, great and small.
#6
In the third article, Greulich contends that the Swiss workers must «defend» «democracy»!!
Is Greulich really unaware that, in this war, not a single European State is defending, nor can defend, democracy? On the contrary, for all States, big and small, participation in this imperialist war means strangling democracy, the triumph of reaction over democracy. England, Germany, France, and so on, offer a thousand examples. Can it really be that Greulich is unaware of them? Or does Greulich so implicitly trust the Swiss, that is, his own, «bourgeois government», that he regards all Swiss bank directors and millionaires as veritable Wilhelm Tells?
Revolutionary struggle against all bourgeois governments — that, and that alone, and not participation in the imperialist war, or in national mobilization allegedly to defend the country's neutrality, can lead to socialism, and without socialism there is no guarantee of democracy.
#7
Greulich writes in the third article:
Does Switzerland expect the proletariat to «fight against itself in imperialist battles»?
That question shows that Greulich has his feet securely planted on national soil, but, unfortunately, in the present war, there is no such soil for Switzerland.
It is not Switzerland that «expects» this of the proletariat, but capitalism, which in Switzerland, as in all developed countries, has become imperialist capitalism. Today, the ruling bourgeoisie «expects» the proletariat of all countries to «fight against itself in imperialist battles». That is what Greulich overlooks. And today there is no means of protecting ourselves against that eventuality save international revolutionary class struggle against the bourgeoisie!
Why does Greulich forget that, way back in 1912, the Basle Manifesto of the International directly stated, first, that the fundamental character of the future war is determined by imperialist capitalism, and, second, spoke of proletarian revolution precisely in connection with this war?
#8
In the third article, Greulich writes:
Revolutionary mass struggle «instead of utilizing democratic rights» is a «very vague concept».
This proves that Greulich accepts only the bourgeois-reformist path and rejects or ignores revolution. That befits a Grütlian, but it certainly does not befit a Social-Democrat.
Revolution without «revolutionary mass struggle» is impossible. There have never been such revolutions. In the imperialist era that has now begun, revolutions are inevitable in Europe, too.
#9
In the fourth article, Greulich frankly says he will «naturally» resign from the National Council if the Party rejects defence of the homeland in principle, adding that such a rejection would imply «violation of our unity».
That is not open to misinterpretation: it is a clear ultimatum to the Party on the part of the social-patriot National Council members. Either the Party accepts these social-patriotic views, or «we» (Greulich, Müller, and so on) will resign.
But, frankly, what kind of «unity» can we speak of? Only, of course, of «unity» of the social-patriotic leaders with their seats on the National Council?!
Principled proletarian unity implies something quite different: the social-patriots, that is, the defenders of the «homeland», should «unite» with the social-patriotic, thoroughly bourgeois Grütli Union. The Social-Democrats, who reject homeland defence, should «unite» with the Socialist proletariat. That is perfectly obvious.
We firmly hope that Greulich will not wish to disgrace himself by trying to disprove (despite the experience of England, Germany, Sweden, and so on) that «unity» of the social-patriots, those «agents» of bourgeois governments, with the Socialist proletariat can lead only to sheer disorganization, demoralization, hypocrisy, and lies.
#10
The «pledge» of National Council members in the country's independence is «incompatible», in Greulich's view, with refusal to defend the country.
Very well! But what revolutionary activity is «compatible» with «pledges» to uphold the laws of capitalist States?? The Grütlians, that is, servants of the bourgeoisie, recognise only legal methods as a matter of principle. So far, not a single Social-Democrat has rejected revolution, or accepted only such revolutions as were «compatible» with «pledges» to uphold bourgeois laws.
#11
Greulich denies that Switzerland is a «bourgeois class State» «in the absolute meaning of the term». He defines Socialism (at the end of his fourth article) in a way that wholly precludes both social revolution and all revolutionary action. Social revolution is «utopian» — that is the short meaning of all Greulich's long speeches and articles.
Very well! But that is the most blatant Grütlianism, not Socialism. It is bourgeois reformism, not Socialism.
Why does not Greulich openly propose that the words about «proletarian revolution» be deleted from the 1912 Basle Manifesto? Or the words about «revolutionary mass action» from the 1915 Aarau resolution? Or that all the Zimmerwald and Kienthal resolutions be burned?
#12
Greulich has both feet planted on soil — on national bourgeois-reformist, Grütlian soil.
He obstinately ignores the imperialist character of the present war and the imperialist ties of the present-day Swiss bourgeoisie. He ignores the fact that the Socialists of the whole world are split into social-patriots and revolutionary internationalists.
He forgets that, in reality, only two paths are open to the Swiss proletariat:
First path. Help its own national bourgeoisie to arm, support mobilization for the alleged purpose of defending neutrality, and face the daily menace of being inveigled into the imperialist war. In the event of «victory» in this war — be reduced to semi-starvation, record the loss of 100'000 killed, put more billions of war profits into the pockets of the Swiss bourgeoisie, assure it more profitable investments abroad, and fall into more financial dependence on its imperialist «allies» — the Great Powers.
Second path. In close alliance with the internationalist revolutionary minority in all the Great Powers, wage a resolute struggle against all «bourgeois governments», and primarily against its own «bourgeois government», placing no «trust» whatever in its own bourgeois government, or in its talk of defending neutrality, and politely invite the social-patriots to move over to the Grütli Union.
In the event of victory — be forever rid of high costs of living, hunger, and war and, together with the French, German, and other workers, stage the socialist revolution.
Both paths are difficult, both entail sacrifices.
The Swiss proletariat must choose — does it want to make these sacrifices for the sake of the Swiss imperialist bourgeoisie and one of the Great-Power coalitions, or to deliver humanity from capitalism, hunger, and war?
The proletariat must choose.