In Commemoration of the 40th Anniversary of the Chinese Revolution
#PUBLICATION NOTE
This edition of In Commemoration of the 40th Anniversary of the Chinese Revolution has been prepared and revised for digital publication by the Institute of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism under the Central Committee of the Communist Party in Switzerland on the basis of the edition published in A World to Win, No. 15, 1990.
#INTRODUCTION NOTE
This is a speech delivered by Comrade Gonzalo at a conference of Party cadres in Lima, Peru on the 30th of September, 1989. It was first published as a document of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Peru in 1990.
#Workers and oppressed people of the world, unite!
#IN COMMEMORATION OF THE 40TH ANNIVERSARY OF THE CHINESE REVOLUTION
#SPEECH DELIVERED AT A CONFERENCE OF PARTY CADRES
#Gonzalo
#30th of September, 1989
#★
These are some points for reflection and for spurring us on to more deeply fulfil our duty as Communists.
#1. THE CHINESE REVOLUTION
Clearly the Chinese revolution has had far-reaching consequences for humanity, and this is true for several reasons. One is the sheer immense number of people who took part: 400'000'000 at first, and 800'000'000 by the time of the Cultural Revolution. It was a region of earth-shaking struggles, with a vast tradition of conflicts involving the masses of people, the peasants, whose struggles went back to the most ancient times, and wars, such as the Opium War of 1840, for example. During the Cultural Revolution, in summing up China's long history, it was said that a hallmark of the country's history was the way its development was marked by many different armed struggles. This is the context that gave birth to the Communist Party of China and Chairman Mao, the third leading light and highest peak of Marxism. All this served to create very special conditions in China, and what happened there shook the world.
Consider the democratic revolution: it is essentially a revolution, the overthrow of one class by another by means of people's war, of violence. This is a universal law, especially important today when some people seek to discard it as outdated. The democratic revolution in China is a model, a prototype of a revolution against imperialism, feudalism, and bureaucrat capitalism. The democratic revolution inevitably leads to a second revolution, and thus the Chinese revolution requires us to consider not only the democratic revolution, but also how it went over without pause to socialist revolution. In a country such as ours socialist revolution is not possible without first carrying out the democratic revolution. Chairman Mao showed that the socialist revolution is a continuation of the democratic revolution, and, furthermore, that in the form of the cultural revolution it is a continuation of the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat based on the people's army which can defend the New State founded on the broad masses. He made it clear that the task of socialist construction arises with the revolution itself, and that this process is extremely complex and protracted; furthermore, Chairman Mao said that we Communists still lacked a thorough and complete understanding of the laws of socialism and that such an understanding would take a long time to achieve. There would be sharp and violent class struggle, he said, and the confrontation between two different roads: the capitalist road and the socialist road; the question of which would win out was not settled. Of course he never doubted that in the long run socialism would triumph, but he specifically emphasized the sharp class struggle for the dictatorship of the proletariat.
He taught that socialism required relying on the broad masses, the peasants, the proletariat, and the people, in order to develop new things and avoid the old capitalist roads that had been defeated by the revolution and that would lead away from the socialist road. Socialism would have to give rise to new forms. He made it clear that the class struggle would continue to be sharp, that the centre of the battle is for the dictatorship of the proletariat, which relies on the broad masses.
But, furthermore, the Chinese revolution showed the necessity for cultural revolution, a fierce but necessary struggle to continue the revolution under the dictatorship of the proletariat. Clearly the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution represents a world-historic epic of revolution, a victorious high point for the Communists and revolutionaries of the world, an imperishable achievement. Although we have a whole process ahead of us, that revolution left us great lessons we are already applying, such as, for example, the point that ideological remoulding is the basis for our class to conquer political power, which today means bringing about an ideological leap in order to conquer political power.
In addition to these two points, the Chinese revolution has shown how revolution takes place within the context of a process of restoration and counter-restoration (a contradiction with two aspects). No class has ever conquered political power at one go; rather, each has faced the restoration of the old political power and had to fight fiercely for a counter-restoration until finally that class conquered political power for good. The proletariat has already traveled the greater part of this road.
Thus, the Chinese revolution bids us to reflect upon the democratic revolution, the socialist revolution, the Great Proletarian Cultural Revolution, and restorations and counter-restorations, or, in essence, the permanent revolution, as Marx called the stormy march of our class forward to achieve communism through the dictatorship of the proletariat.
Today, more than ever, we proclaim that our objective is to make communism a reality, and nothing can stop our march toward that future. This ineluctable march must go through difficult stages and processes, each stage involving new and more difficult problems, but we Communists possess the necessary strength to overcome them because we possess the most powerful ideology. We reaffirm that as Communists, this must be our final objective, no matter how great the difficulties that our class, the proletariat, must vanquish. The problems we see today, the restorations in China and the Council Union, do not negate this goal, but rather underline the length and complexity of the process of the march toward communism. Today, when some people proclaim that communism is finished, let us grasp the Chinese revolution, and let our Party fight for communism as part of and to serve the world revolution.
This is what we draw from the Chinese revolution and the role of Chairman Mao.
#2. MAOISM
This is the decisive question. Chairman Mao teaches that the ideological and political line decides everything, and we have but one ideology: Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, mainly Maoism. This is not the place to outline Marxism overall, nor is it necessary; our point here is to see the ideology of the proletariat as a great reality that develops by leaps and through stages. Its first stage was Marxism, its second was Leninism, and its third stage, its highest and greatest expression, is Maoism. Thus, for us Communists, Marxism is an irresistible force, living, always pushing forward, developing. Just when fools declare it dead, it develops further and refutes them resoundingly. Even in Marx's day such nonsense abounded, and the same was true in Lenin's time and today as well. It should be no surprise when these would-be buriers of Marxism trot out their lies. They aim cunning and sinister attacks at Maoism, because Maoism is the most advanced worldview humanity has produced.
It is exactly when the ideology of our Communist Parties reaches greater heights that it is attacked, negated, and declared outdated. But — and this is very important — all this gibberish about the so-called death of Marxism is only the prelude to a new further development of Marxism, as it was in Marx's and Lenin's times. Maoism is the most advanced scientific ideology, and therefore the most transforming reality. It arose from matter and is a material expression, because spirit is simply one form of matter. We have been given the most advanced ideology humanity has produced: Maoism.
We must reaffirm our great slogan of 1979: «Uphold, defend, and apply Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, mainly Maoism!» (This slogan has been updated, because, at that time, we said Mao Zedong's Thought.) Those who think they can negate it are dreaming.
Maoism is something new, and newborn things have never been easily accepted. Its authority has been established through fierce struggle, by the leadership of the proletariat in the revolution, the Communist Parties. Lenin called Marxism the tree of life and idealism a mere parasite; today, the idealism being propagated is simply a rotten parasite on Maoism, which is the living tree of life. We are convinced of the greatness of Maoism, and we owe it everything, for without it we would not even be together here. Without Maoism there could be no People's War, nor could this People's War be a bright flame prevailing against wind and waves.
Maoism has the most far-reaching importance for the international proletariat and the people of the world. Therefore, it remains a necessary task to struggle to impose it as the commander and guide of the world revolution. Consider the immense power contained in Maoism, all the power with which it can arm the proletariat and the people. Chairman Mao said that in difficult times we should consider our omnipotent ideology; we have Maoism. He was right to say that the proletariat had the most powerful nuclear bomb: Mao Zedong's Thought, as was said in those days.
Thus, let us reaffirm our Maoism, the most glorious peak.
#3. THE NEW COUNTER-REVOLUTIONARY OFFENSIVE BEING CARRIED OUT BY GORBACEV AND DENG WORLDWIDE
Clearly they are carrying out this offensive in collusion with the Whitest world reaction, imperialism, because it suits their convergent interests.
The sinister and perverse nature of Gorbacev's and Deng's new offensive becomes clearer every day. They negate the most fundamental points. Thus, the Chinese revisionist followers of Deng put forward the idea that capitalism goes through four stages — the embryonic, primary, secondary, and highest stages — and that, since the Second World War, capitalism has reached its highest stage. They negate Lenin's central thesis of imperialism; furthermore, they say that capitalism is far from being outdated, that it enjoys sufficient strength to overcome its difficulties. Articles in the international press argue that the capitalist world system, the US system, gives the lie to Marx's ideas, that essentially Marx was wrong in holding that under capitalism overproduction gives rise to crisis, since today such crises can be managed and therefore do not mean that the system is outdated. At the same time, they admit that a crisis of overproduction could arise, and therefore contradict themselves. The point here is that the Chinese revisionists and the imperialists are in collusion against Marxism.
Regarding the role of the Church: A Peruvian entrepreneur, a big bourgeois tied to imperialism, especially US imperialism, says that the country's economy is heading inevitably toward an explosion, and that, therefore, together with the Church, they are carrying out schemes designed to contain that explosion. The Community in Action charity scheme administered by Caritas is a part of these efforts to stop the revolution and to traffic in the masses' hunger. In China today they are calling for recognition of the new role of the Church; they are saying that under socialism religion is not the opium of the people. This is an open negation of Marx, which they justify with the false claim that Marx's judgement was made before Marxism had come up with a scientific analysis of the role of religion. This, too, is an example of how revisionism colludes with reaction. We are very clear on the role of the Church. We have put forward our views before, distinguishing between the class interests of the Church hierarchy and the religious feelings of the people; furthermore, who could ever forget the Pope's furious threats, when he warned us to «change your attitude» while he blessed the reactionary armed forces? Wherever there are problems the Pope always shows up to play his counter-revolutionary role. Poland is another example of this.
Thus, the revisionist negation of Marxism is taking specific forms, and this is leading to the death and disintegration of revisionism itself.
Our Party said that there would come a time to wage a great battle to defend Marxism in every sphere. This time has come; it is time to defend Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, mainly Maoism. This means that we should study revisionism thoroughly, as one studies the enemy, because we are locked in a war to the death with it. We should study it and rip out its guts so as to expose its hideous features for the world to see. We have to show how revisionism, imperialism, and world reaction collude to put Marxism into question and refute it.
In the economic sphere, they proclaim that capitalism has come up with a solution to its problems and therefore is not headed for collapse. They want us, the people of the Earth, the proletariat, to believe that capitalism is eternal. They want to pull the wool over our eyes in the political sphere as well, when these fools try to make us believe that the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie is not a system heading for ruin, that the bourgeoisie is not outdated but has received a new lease on life, that the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie is also eternal. Ideologically, they preach an idealism shot through with the most reactionary religion, especially Catholicism, loaded with more superstition and fraud.
Armed with Maoism, which is the peak of Marxism, with people's war, with the Party, mobilizing the masses, we must expose and smash all these schemes and, above all, serve the advance of the world revolution.
#4. THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF PERU
The Communist Party of Peru is guided by Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, Gonzalo's Thought. The Communist Party and the People's War it leads are proof of the invincibility and vitality of Marxism, of Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, mainly Maoism, and this entails the greatest responsibility. Therefore, we should develop the People's War in order to show the validity and power of Maoism and to conquer political power.
The conquest of political power will have far-reaching consequences because we are in a key part of Latin America at a time when this continent, in comparison with Asia and Africa, is undergoing the most severe economic, political, and ideological crisis, a general crisis with no solution in sight in the coming years. This can be seen in the fact that while countries are growing at a rate of over 9% a year in Asia, at 3% in Africa, and at 2,5% in the backward European countries, North Africa, and West Asia, the growth rate for Latin America is 1%, and this in turn should be measured against the continent's high population growth rate.
Consider the role of the Communist Party of Peru and what the seizure of political power throughout the country would mean. It would change history. Facts are confirming out Party's analysis in this regard: for example, that the 1990s will be even worse for the reaction than the 1980s, as they themselves admit. Let's seriously analyse the campaign of US imperialism which Bush claims is aimed at drugs. Peru is the main producer, Bolivia the second, and Columbia the third. This much is true. But what is the aim of the United States? To escalate their counter-revolutionary war in the Andean countries which are the backbone of Latin America, especially South America. Where, along this backbone, is people's war raging? In Peru, under the leadership of the Party and through the actions of the masses. Therefore their campaign is aimed at us. What does this mean? It is leading to the development of the contradiction between the nation and imperialism, a contradiction which is mainly with US imperialism, without forgetting the other superpower and the other powers. It means a change in the contradiction. Let's not forget that other countries could be used in this; serious complications could arise, especially for the southern part of Peru, from Brazil's demand for an outlet to the Pacific through the port cities of Matarani and Ilo, or the widely-exposed policy of the Peruvian State to move away from Bolivia and closer to Chile. US aggression, whether it be direct or indirect by way of puppet governments, is bringing about a war of national liberation, and despite the sacrifice and the efforts this would require, there would be a magnificent opportunity to unite 90% of the Peruvian people, at a time when the Party is calling for the seizure of political power throughout the country, and this would mean more favourable, though more difficult, conditions for the Peruvian revolution. Imperialism is dreaming if it thinks it can snuff out the revolution, and while this period will be extremely difficult, complex, and bloody, it will lead to the people's triumph and serve the emancipation of the class and the proletarian world revolution, and, the decisive point, it will impose Marxism-Leninism-Maoism, mainly Maoism, as the commander and guide of the world revolution.
Only through great storms, Chairman Mao said, can the world be changed. Let the Chinese revolution spur us on to fulfil the Party's tasks here where it is our responsibility to do so!